Advanced Study In The History Of Medieval India

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Advanced Study in the
History of Medieval India

J. L. MEHTA

M.A. Ph.D.

Sterling Publishers Pvt Ltd

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Advanced Study in the History
of Medieval India ( 1000 — 1526 A.D.)
© 1910 J.L. Mehta
First Edition 19i0

Published by S.K. Ghat. Managing Director. Sterling Publishers
Pvt. Ltd., L-10, Green Park Extension, New Delhi-110016
Printed at Raftt Printograph (India), New Delhi-110020

to

Paras and Daizy
with
love

Acknowledgements

I am extremely beholden to my revered teacher Dr Hari Ram
Gupta, M.A.,Ph.D.. D.Litt., (Gold Medalist), Retd. Professor and
Head of the Department of History and Dean of University Ins-
truction, Panjab University, Chandigarh, who has always been a
source of inspiration and help to me in my studies and research.
I am highly indebted to him for whatever understanding I have
of this subject.

I have had the opportunity to listen to the presidential add-
ress delivered by Professor J.S. Grewal of Guru Nanak Dev Uni-
versity, Amritsar, in the medieval section of the Indian History
Congress, at Bhubaneswar in 1977. He reviewed the problem of
reperiodisation of Indian history. As my introductory remarks,
in the Preface, on this aspect have been influenced by his line of
thought, I owe a debt of gratitude to him also.

I also take this opportunity to express my gratitude to Dr
D.D. Jyoti, a teacher par excellence who lives in this world though
far away from it. He provided me the means and inspired me
to devote myself whole-heartedly to the pursuit of literary and re-
search activities.

While sending the manuscript of the book to the press, I can-
not but remember with gratitude the encouragement and valuable
help that I have always received in my literary pursuits from my
well-wishers Professor P.L. Mehra, Principal, Principal Pradeep
Kumar, and Principal S.L. Pandit.

I would like to express my thanks to my learned colleagues
and friends who share their joys and sorrows with me and feel
happy to see me at work in the field of my academic interest. I
am particularly obliged to Dr R.C. Jauhri whose research publica-
tion, entitled Firoz Tughluq, was very useful to me in the prepara-
tion of the write-up on the last great sultan of Delhi.

Dr N.K. Saith, a distinguished scholar of Persian and Arabic
and one of my life long companions, had the privilege to be a
student of the late Khwaja Dil Muhammad at the Islamia College
Lahore, whose Dil Ki Gita — an Urdu version of the Bhagwad Gita,

has always stood us in good stead in facing the hardships and bitter
realities of life without expecting much from the materialistic world.

My thanks are due to Mr Wazir Chand, Librarian, Dwarka
Dass Library (Chandigarh), Professor Jagdish S. Sharma, Librarian,
the Panjab University Library (Chandigarh), Miss A.K. Anand,
the Deputy Librarian, and their staff, particularly, Messrs G.S.-
Thakur, Kulwant Singh and Miss Lolita Anand who gave me
immense help in the collection of material for the book. I am
also thankful to my near and dear ones, namely Vijaya Kumar
Gandhi, Devender Dutt and Pradeep Mehta who assisted me in
manifold ways with dedication and love; I wish them happiness
and success in life.

I am fully conscious of my duty towards the society and the
posterity to conduct myself as an honest and objective writer and
teacher; it is in this spirit that 1 have dedicated the book to my
maternal grandchildren Paras and Daizy — the two innocent angels,
the custodians of future India and hope of the mankind in the
twenty-first century. They provided me with the much-needed
relief and recreation in the midst of my tiresome studies and in-
spired me to carry on the work with still greater zeal and devo-
tion.

In the end, I take it as my pleasant duty to express my obliga-
tions and gratitude to Mr O.P. Ghai, Chairman, Sterling Publish-
ers, who undertook the publication of this book.

Chandigarh
August 25, 1979

J.L. MEHTA

Preface

The chronological division of histoiy into ancient, medieval
and modern periods is a European concept, applicable primarily
to the western civilisation; it came into vogue from about the
second quarter of the nineteenth century. The writers of Euro-
pean history used the term ‘medieval’ not merely in a descriptive
but also qualitative or connotative manner; it was employed to
distinguish a social and cultural situation which was inferior from
the ancient or ‘classical’ values and characteristics. The medieval
period of Indian history does not, however, correspond exactly
with the ‘middle age of Europe’, also dubbed as ‘the dark age
of the European civilisation’; according to one definition, it covered
a period between 476 and 1 500 a.d. from the breakdown of the
Roman empire in the West to the beginning of Renaissance and the
Reformation. These date cannot be taken up as a working hy-
pothesis either for the beginning or conclusion of the medieval
Indian period. An attempt made by some historians to classify
Indian history into Hindu (ancient), Muslim (medieval) and British
(modern) periods was still more unfortunate, because it employed
religion and race as the criteria which had serious repercussions
on the subsequent political developments; it sowed the seeds of
communal disharmony and led to the ‘partition’ of the country
in 1947. Whatever criterion that may be adopted for reperiodi-
sation of Indian history, one thing is clear; the traditional equations
of ‘medieval’ with ‘Muslim’ and ‘the medieval Indian history’ with
the era of ‘Muslim rule in India’ are not valid, and have rightly
been discarded* by most of the modern historians of Indian history.

The author takes the eleventh century to be the beginning
of early medieval period in the history of India. It lands us into
the so-called ‘Rajput period’ of ancient Indian civilisation. The
‘age of imperial Kanauj’ was over with the death of Harsha Var-
dharta (6(6-47); the efforts made by its ex-feudatories and other
princes, including Yasovarman (c 700-70) of Kanauj, the Palas of
Bengal, the Rashtrakutas of the Deccan, and the Gurjara-Prati-
haras of Malwa to re-unify India under one national government

* Refer to the presidential addresses delivered in the medieval sections of the
Indian History Congress by Dr H.S. Srivastava (Chandigarh, 1973) Dr Ashim
Dasgupta (Jadavpur, 1974) and Dr J.S. Grewal (Bhubaneswar, 1977).

X

bore no fruit. India, in the beginning of the eleventh century,
was parcelled out into over one hundred regional kingdoms and
petty principalities whose rulers identified themselves with their
dominant ruling clans, tribes or communities, lacked overall
national consciousness and freely indulged in self-destructive and
suicidal warfare . with one another. The Indian society, with
its decadent political structure, defunct military system, inherent
socio-religious defects and economic imbalance which created a
gulf between the masses and the socio-political leadership, carried
ipso facto the seeds of its own destruction. Toynbee holds that
‘the self-stultified Hindu civilisation’ of the period ‘was not assas-
sinated’ by the Turks; the latter simply gave it a coup d' grace. The
period of stress and strain, covering the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies of the Indian history forms the subject matter of the first
four chapters of this study. The opening chapter gives a glimpse
of pre-Muslim India under the caption, Twilight of Ancient India.
Chapter 2 deals with the Indian expeditions of Sabuktagin and
Mahmud of Ghazni which shook the political fabric of northern
and western India, albeit the Ghaznavid inroads ‘did not cut deeper
into the flesh’ of the contemporary Indian politics and had no
more serious effect upon the course of its history than Alexander’s
invasion in 326-25 b.c. The third chapter draws a pen portrait
of northern India when it enjoyed a respite for over a century
and a quarter (1030-1175) from foreign invasions. This offered
a golden opportunity and more than enough time to the Indian
socio-political leadership to rally itself and be prepared to defend
its independence by setting its house in order on national consi-
derations. To the misfortune of the country, the Rajputs had
learnt nothing and forgotten nothing of their earlier encounters
with the Turks; they exhibited a total lack of imagination in tack-
ling the problem of political unity and national defence. Torn by
mutual jealousies, dissensions and self-destructive tendencies, as
ever before, the Indian princes failed to take concerted action
against the Turks led by Muhammad Ghori and, as a consequence,
were crumbled to dust in quick succession under the iron heels of
the invaders. The story of the ‘second holocaust’ (1175-1205)
has been described in chapter 4. Muhammad Ghori and his
Turkish ‘slave’ generals conquered northern India in the last
quarter of the twelfth century and laid the foundations of the
Turkish rule in Delhi.

On the death of Muhammad Ghori, his Indian possessions
were inherited by his Turkish ‘slave’ officer Qutubddin Aibek—
a foreign immigrant, who set up as an independent ruler at Lahore
and untagged his dominions from the apron-strings of the Ghaz-
navid empire. His son and successor Aram Shah was overthrown
by Iltutmish— ‘a slave of slave Aibek, who transferred, his capital
to Delhi in 1211, thus bringing into existence what is termed as
the ‘sultanate of Delhi’. The Turkish rulers of India were styled
sultans’— ‘the kings’, and their dominions accordingly came to

XI

be known as ‘the sultanate*. The story of the foundation of the
sultanate of Delhi under the dynamic leadership^ of. three 'slaver-''
dynasties' (1206-90), in the teeth of Hindu opposition'^ has .been
narrated in detail in chapter 5. Iltutmish and Balban, thefoun-"
ders of the second and the third ‘slave’ dynasty respectively, made
a signal contribution towards the consolidation of the Muslim
rule in northern India; they protected the infant state from internal
disorders and external dangers and laid its foundations so deep
that, soon afterwards, it was transformed, by the strenuous efforts
of Alauddin Khalji, into the imperial government of India which
held its sway directly or indirectly over the whole of the sub-
continent.

Soon after the establishment of their rule in India, the Turks
were cut off from their ancestral lands of Central Asia which v/ere
overrun by the Mongols. Iltutmish and Balban were hard-pressed
to protect their infant Turkish state from the Mongol menace.
Before the turn of the century, the Turks were well established in
Hindustan which they had adopted as the country of domicile.
Islam became one of the popular Indian creeds and the Muslims
came to constitute a part and parcel of the Indian society; they
were the Indian Muslims for all intents and purposes. The ICbalji
revolution of 1290 sounded the death-knell of the foreign privileged
Turkish nobility who had perpetuated their dominance in the poli-
tics of Delhi for nearly a century; the Khaljis were cent per cent
Indian Muslims. Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316) was by far the greatest
of all the monarchs of early medieval India; except Sher Shah
Suri and Akbar, no Muslim ruler of India stands comparison with
him. By the pursuit of a vigorous imperial policy, based on the
chakravartin principles of ancient era, he unified the whole of the
country and brought it under the control of a powerful central
government. He raised an ‘invincible’ imperial army which struck
terror in the hearts of the Mongols and stood as bulwark against
foreign invasions; it maintained the political unity and integrity
of the country by severely dealing with those who ever dared to
defy the authority of the central government of India. Alaud-
din Khalji secularised the state politics, and threw open the public
services to the commoners, including the Hindus, the Muslim
converts to Islam and other unprivileged Muslims. He abolished
the zamindari system and introduced measurement of land as the
basis for the assessment of the state demand — one of the self-
established ancient Indian customs. He oppressed the nobility
but provided great relief to the common man; during his reign,
the prices of goods were low; the foodstuffs and other necessaries
of life were available easily and in abundance. Hoarding, black-
marketing and cheating by the business community and exploita-
tion by the middlemen was heard of no more. Alauddin Khalji
tamed the civil services and suppressed the bureaucratic evils of
indiscipline, corruption and bribery; none but the mo^t honest
and efficient officials had the chance of survival under the vigilant

xii

eye of the central government. In certain matters of civil admini-
stration, land reforms, military organisation and socio-economic
policies, Alauddin Khalji anticipated Sher Shah Suri and Akbar
his administrative set up carried the seeds of a progressive and
secular state which, given the opportunity to take their roots for
two or three generations more, could have advanced the progress
of the country by at least two centuries. The Khalji dynasty of
the sultans, therefore, occupies a place of pride in the national
history of early medieval India and has received an intensive treat-
ment in chapter 6 of the present study.

Chapter 7 deals with the Tughluqs who supplied the second
and the last imperial dynasty of Delhi during the period under
review. Muhammad bin Tughluq (1325-51), ‘the wisest fool’ of
his day, was,' nevertheless, the second greatest sultan of Delhi
during whose reign the imperial government of India attained the
maximum territorial dimensions. Partly an idealist and partly
a visionary, he formulated lofty projects and ‘hair-brain’ schemes
which carried the elements of modernity and national integration,
albeit, as a most impracticable man, he lacked the patience and
administrative skill to implement his plans effectively. His subjects
misunderstood him, and the selfish and corrupt buteaucracy failed
to comprehend his policies and programmes. In rejecting him, the
Indians also rejected the integrity of the centra] authority and poli-
tical unity of the country, and reverted to the feudal pattern of
‘the dark age’ which had received a serious jolt since the days of
Alauddin Khalji. Firoze Tughluq (1 '51-88), the last great
sultan of Delhi, was a philanthropist who utilised the resources
of the state for public welfare’ activities and exerted himself to
promote the happiness and well-being of his subjects. An ana-
lytical as well as critical'account of their achievements and failures
has been given in this study.

The sultanate showed signs of its decline during the reign of
Muhammad bin Tughluq. The process of its decay gained mo-
mentum under Firoze Tughluq, and once the mighty Turkish em-
pire of India was reduced to a petty principality of Delhi within
a decade of the latter’s death. Still known as the sultanate of
Delhi, it suffered the pangs of death during the next century
and a quarter. Amir Timur, the greatest Turkish leader of his
day, struck a fatal blow to it and proclaimed its virtual death to
the whole of the Muslim world. The sultanate exhibited some
signs of recovery under the Lodhis who founded the first tribal
monarchy of the Afghans in Delhi albeit their rule was like ‘the
last flicker of the dying lamp’; the guns of Babar sounded the
death-knell of the sultanate in the first historic battle of Panipat
on April 21, 1526. A brief description of all these developments
has been given in chapter 8 which also carries.a critical analysis
of the important causes of decline and downfall of the sultanate
of Delhi.

The sultanate lasted 320 years from 1206 to 1526; during
this period, exactly speaking, thirty-two persons (including one
woman) sat on the throne — two at Lahore and thirty in Delhi,
giving an average of ten years’ reign to each. Some of them, like
Qutubuddin Aibek, Iltutmish, Balban, Alauddin Khalji, Ghiasud-
din Tughluq, Muhammad bin Tughluq and Firoze Tughluq stand
head and shoulders above all the rest; they left an indelible mark
on the course of history of their times and the study of their poli-
tical and military history is as important as ever. No matter what
factors and motives made the Turko-Afghan rulers struggle for
the control of the state machinery, their political actions, military
campaigns, court intrigues and the state-craft influenced the life
and culture of the people under their charge.

In the course of its disintegration, from 1335 to 1400, the
sultanate of Delhi gave birth to a number of regional and
provincial states and feudal principalities. These included among
others the Bahmani and Vijayanagar kingdoms of the south, the
provincial Muslim states of Malwa, Gujarat, Jaunpur and Bengal
and the Rajput kingdoms of Mewar and Marwar. The sultanate
as a binding force between the distant provinces had ceased to
exist and the political dismemberment of India was complete;
the country thus presented once again a dismal picture from the
political angle in the fifteenth century. Chapter 9 analyses the
general characteristics of the fifteenth century India and gives
in outline the political and military history of the important regio-
nal and provincial states. The socio-cultural development of
early medieval India does not fall within the purview of this study,
which has been reserved for detailed treatment in a separate
volume.

The tenth chapter has been devoted to the study of political
institutions of the sultanate of Delhi. The sultanate was a theo-
cracy whose grandees were expected to enforce Islamic polity in
India albeit the political institutions set up by them were deeply
influenced by the Indian traditions and customs and incorporated
many elements of the Rajput polity with or without modifications.
Some of the practices and policies of sultanate were actually oppo-
sed to the spirit of the orthodox Islamic theology. The concluding
part of the chapter gives a brief account of the archaeological
monuments of the sultans which reveal a vigorous inter-action and
synthesis between the ‘Islamic’ and the ancient Indian archaeolo-
gical concepts and forms on an extensive scale. These are an
index of a healthy and constructive give-and-take between the two
styles as also the communion that took place between the Hindus
and the Muslims during the early medieval age.

The brief resume, as given above, would help the reader in
forming a general idea of the main contents of the book as also
of the line of thought and approach adopted by the author in

xiv

attempting a descriptive, analytical and critical account of the
political and military history of early medieval India. A fully
documented article on the Contemporary Sources of History, along
with the modern works available on each aspect, precedes the text
by way of an introduction. Maximum use has been made of the
contemporary and near contemporary literary sources which have
occasionally been referred to in the text and liberally reproduced
in the footnotes. The references given within the body of the
narrative are obviously those which have been recognised as the
historical facts or standard observations of the contemporaries
on the subject; whereas, the extracts given in the footnotes usually
supplement or contradict the main argument in partially true or
exaggerated terms, the latter may provide an additional opportunity
to the reader to familiarise himself/herself with and feel interested
in the further study of the contemporary works. In the modern
age of intensive research and specialisation in microscopic studies
none can pretend to be au fait on each and every aspect of the na-
tional and regional history of the period which covers more than five
hundred years. Obviously, the author, in his extensive treatment
of the subject matter, has leaned heavily on the original researches
done by numerous other historians and is under heavy obligations
to all of them. With due regard to the considered opinions of
modern historiographers of medieval India, the historical facts
have, nevertheless, been reorganised and reinterpreted by the
author wherever deemed necessary. He has attempted to give
a critical analysis of the important political-cum-military events
and developments, and has reassessed their impact on the course
of history of the times. How far he has been successful in this
endeavour and whether the assessment so made is objective and
impartial or otherwise is for the readers to judge. Again, all
opinions expressed in the book are the personal views of the author
and, in no way, represent those of the Panjab University Chandi-
garh — his alma mater, or the scholars who have blessed him in
its preparation.

All valuable advice from the modern historiographers of medie-
val India and constructive suggestions from the general readers for
the improvement of the book would be received with thanks and
acknowledged gratefully in the next edition of the publication.

Chandigarh
August 25, 1979

J.L. MEHTA

Contents

Acknowledgements

Preface

Introduction: Contemporary Sources of History

Indian Historiography — An Islamic Heritage

Contemporary Writers and their Works

Chachnama, Alberuni, Utbi, Abul Fazl Baihaqi,
Hasan Nizami, Minhajus- Siraj, Amir Khusrau,
Ziauddin Barani, Firoze Tughluq’s Autobiogra-
phy, Shams i Siraj Afif, Amir Timur’s Autobiogra-
phy, Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi, Khwaja Abdul-
lah Malik Isami, Mir Khwand, Khondamir.

The Travelogues

Ibn Battuta, Abdur Razzak, Marco Polo, Nicolo
Conti, Duarte Barbosa, Domingos Paes.

Mughal Historians of Early Medieval India

Barbar’s Autobiography, Abul Fazl, Badauni,
Nizamuddin Ahmad, Firishta, Ahmad Yadgar,
Abdullah of Koil, Khwaja Niamatullah Haravi,
Mir Muhammad Masum, Ghulam Husain Salim,
Sikander bin Muhammad, Ali Muhammad Khan,

Mir Abu Turab Vali, Sayyad Ali Tabataba, Rafi-
uddin Shirazi, Riyazul Insha of Mahmud Gawan.

Indigenous Literature
Rajatarangini, Prithviraja Raso
Archaeological Sources

1. Twilight of Ancient India

1. Political Condition

The Last Imperial Rulers of Ancient India, The
Fading Glory of Imperial Kanauj, Absence of
Central Authority; (a) Northern India— Afghani-
stan and Punjab, Sind and Multan, Kashmir,

Thanesar; (b) Eastern India— Bengal, Assam,
Nepal; (c) Central and Western India; (d) Sou-
thern India.

2. Arab Conquest of Sind and Multan

3. Pre-Muslim Society

Absence of Creative Leadership, Rajput Culture,
Social Organisation and Attitudes, Religious
Beliefs and Practices, Indian Economy.

2. Ghaznavid Inroads

Kingdom of Ghazni, Jaipal’s Encounter with
Sabuktagin, The Myth of Undefended Frontier,
Mahmud of Ghazni: Indian Invasions — Their
Nature, Encounter with Jaipal, Subjugation of
Bhatiya and Multan, Victory over Anandpal
and Plunder of Nagarkot, Penetration into Raj-
putana, Annexation of Multan, Plunder of Tha-
nesar, Defeat of Trilochanpal — End of Hindu-
shahis, Plunder of Mathura and Kanauj, Cam-
paign against Gwalior and Kalinjar, Plunder of
Somnath, Objectives and Fulfilment, Effects of
Mahmud’s Invasions.

3. Northern India Between the Two Holo-
causts (1030-1175)

(a) Muslim States of Northwestern India
Lahore, Multan, Sind.

(b) Delhi, Ajmer and Kanauj

Triangular Contest for Supremacy, The Im-
perial Chauhans, Prithvi Raj Chauhan,
Kanauj.

(c) Other Regional Kingdoms

Gujarat and Malwa, Bundelkhand, Bihar
and Bengal, Assam.

An Evaluation of the Political Condition

4 . The Second Holocaust

(1175-1205)

The Shansabani Dynasty of Ghur, Indian Cam-
paigns of Muhammad Ghori — His Objectives,

Conquest cf Multan, Sind and the Punjab, Con-
quests of Delhi, Penetration into the Gangetic
Valley, The Conquests of Qutubuddin Aibek,
Penetration into Bihar and Bengal, The Last
Days of Muhammad Ghori, A Character Esti-
mate, Causes of Success of the Turks.

5. Foundation of the Delhi Sultanate

(1206-90)

1. Qutnbudddin Aibek

The Slave Dynasty, Early Career of Aibek, Acces-
sion to the Throne, Aibek as a Ruler.

2. The Sbamsi or the First Ubari Dynasty
Shamsuddin Iltutmish — Real Founder of the
Delhi Sultanate, Liquidation of Tajuddin Yaldoz,
Defeat of Nasiruddin Qabacha, Mongols on the
Northwestern Frontier, Reconquest of Multan
and Sind, Reconquest of Bihar and Bengal, Con-
flict with the Rajputs, An Estimate.

3. Successors of Iltutmish

The Turkish Power-politics and the Problem of
Succession, The Rule of ‘the Forty’, Ruknuddin
Firoze, Razia Begum, Behram Shah, Alauddin
Masudshah, Nasirudd in Mahmud, Balban as
Nasiruddin’s Minister, Achievements of Balban
as Minister.

4. The Second Ilbari Dynasty

Ghiasuddin Balban: Early Difficulties, Reorgani-
sation of Army, Restoration of Law and Order
Balban’s Theory of Kingship, Liquidation ‘of the
Forty’, Suppression of Revolts in Bengal, De-
fence of Northwestern Frontier, An Estimate,
Balban’s Successors.

6. Khalji Imperialism

1. Jalaluddin Firoze Khalji

The Khalji Revolution, Early Career of Jalalud-
din Khalji, Domestic Policy, Execution of Sidi
Maula, Encounter with the Mongols, Campaigns
against Rajputs, Alauddin’s Expeditions, Mur-
der of Jalaluddin Khalji, An Estimate.

2. Alauddin Khalji

Liquidation of the Jalali Family, Alauddin as an
Autocrat: Aims, Conquest of the Deccan, En-
counter with the Mongols.

xviii

3. Government in Action Under Alauddin Khalji

Administrative Reforms, Fiscal Policy and Reve-
nue Reforms, Price Control and Market Regula-
tions, An Estimate of Alauddin Khalji, End of
the Khalji Dynasty.

7. Tughluq Dynasty

1. Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah

Domestic Policy, Foreign Policy, An Estimate.

2 . Muhammad bin Tughluq

The Mongol Invasion, Early Revolts, Transfer of
the Capital, Introduction of Token Currency,
The Proposed Khurasan Expedition, The Qara-
chil Expedition, Revenue Reforms, Taxation in
the Doab, Rebellions and General Upsurge
against the Rule of Muhammad bin Tughluq,
An Estimate.

3. Firoze Shah Tughluq

The Elected Sultan, Nature of His Rule, Khan i
Jahan Maqbul— the Prime Minister, Domestic
Policy — Administrative Reforms and Public
Welfare Activities, Foreign Policy and Defence.

8. Decline and Disintegration of the
Sultanate

The Later Tughluq’s

Invasion of Amir Timul, The Sayyads, The
Lodhis: First Afghan Dynasty of Delhi, Bahlol
Lodhi, Sikander Lodhi, Ibrahim Lodhi, Causes of
Downfall of the Sultanate.

9. Regional and Provincial States

Genera! Characteristics of the Fifteenth Century

Northern India — Bengal, Jaunpur, Malvva,
Gujarat, Rajputana: Mewar; Marwar; Kashmir,
Orissa; Southern India— Khandesh, The Bahmani
Kingdom, The Vijayanagar Kingdom.

10. Administration of the Sultanate

Islamic Theory of State

Nature and Character of the Sultanate, Central
Government: The Sultan — The Ministers, Other
Imperial Officers; Provincial Government, Local
Government, Fiscal Policy, The Iqta System,
The Judiciary, The Nobility, The Ulema, Mili-

tary Organisation, Public Works: Architectural
Monuments of the Sultans

Conclusion

Appen. 1
Appen. 2
Appen. 3
Glossary
Index

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SULTANATE OF DELHI
1211 A.D.

Introduction

Contemporary Sources of History

\

Indian Historiography — an Islamic Heritage

Ancient Indians had no taste for historiography; their scholars
cared more for religious, spiritual and philosophical studies.
Indian historiography is essentially an Islamic heritage; it were the
Muslim ulama and chroniclers who showed a keen sense of history 1
and wrote detailed accounts of the day-to-day happenings and
political upheavals. Their primary object in doing so was, of
course, the glory of Islam; they took pride in the military exploits
of an amir ul momnin who attempted to transform dar ul haram
into dar ul Islam by the conversion of ‘infidels’ to the faith. Even
otherwise, they were men of this world who valued their material
possessions and strove hard co multiply their worldly gains; this
instinct helped them in keeping track of the events, past and
present.

The Muslim monarchs employed chrr niclers, diarists and court
historians who maintained profuse records of their activities, very
often in systematic and chronological order, though usually
exaggerated. The scholars produced books and poets composed
masnavis on the dynastic, regional or general histories of the Islamic

1. Ziauddin Barani. the greatest historian of early it 'ieval India, writes
about his own work, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi (com^’^ied in 1358-59 A.D.),
thus :

I have taken great pains in writing this history... if you examine it...
as a chronicle of events, you will find in it the deeds of kings and military
generals. If you search in this book, for the rules of government and
administration, you will not find it without these. If you look into it for
warnings and moral instructions to the kings and administrators, you will
find these in abundance, and better depicted herein. ..I have made these
few words (i.e., my narrative) extremely meaningful.

— Free rendering of the passage into English by the author from the
Persian text, edited by Sir Saiyyid Ahmad Khan; Bibliotheca Indica;
Calcutta, 1862, p. 23.

2

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

world; the writers penned biographical sketches of high and low
and recorded historical anecdotes and chronological accounts of
events, private or public; they wrote not only for literary fame,
reward or edification of 'their patrons but also to satiate their
intellectual hunger and inner urge for writing their observations
and experiences. The educated among the rulers and nobility
wrote memoirs or maintained personal diaries. Historiography,
therefore, flourished in all of its forms during the Sultanate period;
the age produced a number of professional historians, chroniclers
and men of letters who bequeathed to posterity a rich treasure
of historical literature.

The earlier literary records of the Muslim chroniclers arc found
in Arabic, the language of the Quran and the Arab elite. With the
establishment of fslam in Persia, there took place a revival of
Persian nationalism within the Muslim world; it resulted in the
adoption of Persian language and culture by the Turkish dynasties,
founded mostly by the slave officers of the Persian monarchs.
Consequently, along with the establishment of the Turkish rule was
planted the Persian tradition of historioaraphy in India. Most of
these literary records are thus found in Persian though some works
are in Arabic and other languages like Turki have also come down
to us. These days we get translations in English and Indian languages
of many an important work; the others are rapidly being translated
and edited by the scholars.

The chroniclers of early medieval India were mostly Turks or
Afghans of foreign pedigree who were interested primarily in recor-
ding the military and political exploits of their martial leaders,
and the affairs at the courts of the sultans of Delhi or other
regional states. They dealt mostly with matters which did not
concern the general public; seldom did they pay attention to the
socio-economic conditions of the country. The medieval system of
education being ‘theologically oriented’, most of the writers traced
the origin of every branch of knowledge to the Quran and the
Prophet Muhammad. In order to use their material, therefore, it
is essential to have ‘a clear understanding of the mentality of the
men’ 8 who wrote it. They were not scientific historians; therefore,
their works need to be handled with discretion and care. ' Their
accounts have to be checked up and verified on the touchstone of
modern research methodology before accepting them as historical
facts. Of course, the military and political history is well-preserved
in these literary sources. The study of numismatic evidence,
monuments and representative specimens of art also helps in recon-
structing the history of the times even though such sources are
usually of a secondary importance tending to corroborate or con-
firm the literary evidence.

2. Mohibbul Hasan and Muhammad Mujeeb (cd.), Historians of Medieval
India; Meenakshi, J96S, p. xi,

INTRODUCTION

3

Contemporary Writers and Their Works

An introductory account of the contemporary writers and their
works, which help us in the reconstruction of history of the early
medieval period, may be given.

Chachnama

Chachnama is the most authentic primary source, hitherto dis-
covered, on the history of the indigenous ruling dynasty of Sind
on the eve of the Arab invasion in 711-12. The book was written
in Arabic by an annonymous author, possibly a camp-follower of
Muhammad bin Qasim, and entitled Chachnama after the name of
the founder of the ruling house. 3 It gives a brief account of the
sudra dynasty of Sind, on the death of whose last ruler Rai Sahasi 4 5 6
II, the throne was usurped by his brahman minister named Chach,
son of Silaij,® sometime in the fourth quarter of the seventh
century. Chach married ‘Subban Deo’ (Devi), the widowed queen
of his patron in order to strengthen his claim as sovereign. His
son and successor Dahit ascended the throne in c. 708 ad; it was
he who faced the Arab onslaught on Sind and perished in the
struggle with the whole of his family.

Chachnama was translated into Persian® by Muhammad Ali bin
Abu Bakr Kufi in the time of Nasiruddin Qabacha, a Turkish slave
officer of Muhammad Ghori, who had been appointed governor of
Multan and Uchh (Sind) by his master.

Alberuni 7

Alberuni (c. 972-1048), the first prominent Muslim Indologist
was one of the greatest intellectuals of the eleventh century. He

3. Chach, seems to be a local or dialectical form of the word ‘Jajja’ which is
the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit word ‘Yayati’. Indian history has known
some people who bore the name ‘Jajja’. There was one Jajja, a brother
of Jaypida, the king of Kashmir, who revolted and was killed by the
latter.

Similarly, Jajjala Deva was the name borne by two rulers of Ratnapur who
belonged to the Kalachuri dynasty and reigned in the twelfth century.
— Shahpurshah Hormasji Hodivala, Studies in Indo-Musiirn History : “A
Critical Commentary on Elliot and Dowson’s History of India as Told by
Its Own Historians"; Bombay, 1939, p. 80.

4. Probably meant for Sahajiga or Sinhasena, — ibid.

5. Silaij for Shiladitya. — ibid.

6. Translated from Persian into English and edited by U.M. Daudpota,
Hyderabad (Deccan), 1939.

7. Abu Raihan Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Bairuni al-Khwarizm. The surname
is derived from Bairun, a suburb of Khwarizm. — K A Nizami in H. M.
Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India as Told by Its Own
Historians : The Muhammadan Period; (abbreviated hereafter E&D),
8 vols; London, 1866-67; Aligarh reprint, II, p 777.

For the biographical accounfof Alberuni, see Abu Rihan Alberuni (Urdu);
Anjuman Tarraqi e Urdu, Lucknow, 1915; also, Al-Birimi Commemoration
Volume; Iran Society, Calcutta, 1951.

4 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

was born of ‘Iranian stock’ in the territory of Khiva, then called
Khwarizm. s He was a man of ‘encyclopaedic learning’ who dis-
tinguished himself in the multifarious disciplines of ‘science and
literature’ of his day; he was a theologian, philosopher, logician,
mathematician, astronomer, astrologer, geographer and physician-
all rolled into one. He was a man of studious habits who remained
constantly busy in reading and writing. Though brought up in
the school of adversity, Alberuni exhibited no weakness for mate-
rial acquisitions and comforts of life. He was the political coun-
sellor of the Khwarizm Shah of the Mamuni dynasty in IO 17 when
his native country was invaded and conquered by Mahmud of
Ghazni. Thousands of his countrymen were brought as prisoners
to Ghazni, Alberuni being one of them. He had already acquired
fame as tminujjim — ‘astrologer cum astronomer’, well-versed in
Greek as well as Indian system; therefore, on his arrival in Ghazni,
he was released immediately and allowed to lead his life as a
free man. Mahmud’s invasion of Khiva seems, however, to have
had a deep impact on the mind of Alberuni. Once deprived of his
native hearth and home, he refused to set up a new one in Ghazni.
He did not enter the service of the state nor sought patronage of
Sultan Mahmud albeit he had a casual contact with his court in
the capacity of a munujjim and a learned sage. 8 9 10 Alberuni did not
stay in Ghazni for long; in 1018-19, he accompanied the invading
hordes of Mahmud to the Indo-Gangetic valley as a free lance
observer. The invaders fought battles and indulged in loot and
plunder but Alberuni just wandered about as a forlorn individual,
in deep anguish and disgust; he simply observed the wanton des-
truction of Indian towns and temples, and the grievous injuries
inflicted by man upon his own species in the satisfaction of his lust
for power and wealth. Mahmud’s armies returned to Ghazni and
showed their appearance in India, in the same fiery mood, a couple
of times again, but Alberuni stayed behind for a number of years.

He travelled extensively in various parts of the country, studied the
language, religion and philosophy of the Hindus 1 ’’ and wrote the
classic account of the country and its people in Arabic, entitled

8. A Khanate of Turkistan in Central Asia, now part of USSR.

9. Alberuni built no material assets during the life time of Mahmud of
Ghazni though he could have amassed wealth simply by acceptirg the
offerings and gifts from his admirers and the nobility of Ghazni. In his
old age, however, he accepted the grant of a pension from Sultan Masud,
the successor of Mahmud, so that he might continue to devote himself to
literary pursuits.

10. Alberuni learned Sanskrit so that he might go to the sources of Hindu
Thought; he read with delight the Bhagavad Gita; he studied Samkhya of
Kapila. the book of Patanjali and acquainted himself somewhat with the
Pnranas ;.. .For a Muslim living in the days of Sultan Mahmud, almost
under his roof, to study Sanskrit and thiogs Hindu was no mean achieve-
ment; it demanded an exceptional spirit of determination and perseverance
and not a little audacity’.

— Al-Birnui Commemoration Volume; op. cit; pp, xv-xvi.

INTRODUCTION'

5

Tarikh ul Hind? 1 it was translated later into Persian . 1 1 It is an
authentic primary source of information about the socio-religious
condition of India of Mahmud of Ghazni's times. It gives a
scholarly analysis of the social and religious institutions of the
Hindus and throws light on their rich cultural heritage, including
sc.ence and literature. The book presents ‘a deep sociological
study, characterised by a rare spirit of enquiry, modern scientific
attitude and sympathetic insight’. 13 It also gives a dispassionate
account of the weaknesses of the Indian character and the short-
comings of their socio-political order which led to their defeat and
humiliation at the hands of the invaders. 14 Alberuni made exten-
sive use of the Sanskrit literature from which he quotes chapter and
verse in support of his contentions. He died in Ghazni at the age
of seventy-seven.

Utbi 15

Utbi, the celebrated author of Tarikh i Yamini or Kitab ul
Yamini, was attached to the personal staff of Sultan Mahmud of
Ghazni. He belonged to the family of Utba (in Persia) which
provided a number of distinguished nobles and courtiers to the
Samanid rulers. Obviously, Utbi had a first-hand knowledge of the
character and activities of Sultan Mahmud and his officers, and
was fully acquainted with the background story of his Indian
campaigns, albeit he seems to have never accompanied Mahmud’s
convoy to India. His book is a fine piece of Arabic literature 16 ; it
gives the story of rise of the Ghaznavid power under Sabuktagin and
describes the character and military exploits of Mahmud upto 1020
ad. Utbi was ignorant of the Indian languages and his knowledge
of Indian topography was also \ery poor; as a result, his descrip-
tion of Mahmud’s expeditions is full of mistakes. He was neither
a court chronicler nor a professional historian; therefore, his book
is deficient in dates and lacks chronological sequence. Being an
orthodox Sunni Mussulman, Utbi applauds the achievements of
Mahmud as nasr amir ul momnin who carried the banner of Islam

1 1. Full title : Tahqiq (or Tahrir) mali li Hind min maqala fi l aql ao mardlilila.

12. Translated from Persian into English and edited by Edward C Sachau,
under the title — Alberuni s India : “An account of the religion, philosophy,
literature, geography, chronology, astronomy, customs, laws and astrology
of India about 1030 A.D.”; 2 vols; (first published London and Berlin,
1887-88; London reprint, 1910). Indian reprint, S Chand, 1964,

13. J. N. Sarkar in' Muhibbul Hasan, Historians of Medieval India; op. cit;
p 167.

14. Alberuni has to say the following about his work :

This book is not a polemical one I shall not produce the arguments of
our antagonists in order to refute such, of them as I believe to be in the
wrong. My book is nothing but a simple historic record of facts.
— Alberuni's India (Sachau), I, p 7.

15. Full name : Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Jabbar ui’Utbi.

16. Edited by Ashraf Ali and Sprenger, Delhi, 1847.

6 ADVANCED .STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

to the land of the ‘idol-worshippers’ by the ‘order of Allah'; and the
friends of committed slaughter of the ‘infidels’ wherever

The book was held in high esteem by the successors
of Mahmud and the nobility of Ghazni: it was rendered into
Persian by a numoer of contemporary writers. 18 It was popular
with the historiographers of the Mughal period who freely quoted
from it.

Abul Fazl Baihaqi

Abul Fazl Baihaqi (c.996- 1 077), was an official 19 of Sultan
Masud, the successor of Mahmud 01 Ghazni; he was closely
associated with the Ghaznavid court and its nobility. He wrote a
ten-volume comprehensive history of the Ghaznavid rulers uptc
1059 A.D., entitled Tcvikh i Baihaqi or Mujalladad i Baihaqi' :t
(volumes of Baihaqi). The Mughal historians made an extensive
use of it but a major part of the original work has not beer
discovered so far.-’ 1 Its component volumes were captioned Tariki
us Sabuktagi/i,-' Tajul Fundi (history of Sultan Mahmud o!
Ghazni) and Tarikh i Masudi (history of Sultan Masud), etc.

Baihaqi’s account of Sr.buktagin is not very trustworthy; it hai
‘the appearance of a gossiping memoir’. Nevertheless, he gives ai
original and refreshing history of the reign of his own patron
Sultan Masud. He draws a pen-portrait cf the Sultan’s court anc
character sketches of his nobles. The description of Masud’:
campaign in Ghur constitutes a rare source of information regard
ing the socio-political condition of that region before the rise of thi
Shansabanis (the ruling house of Ghur and Muhammad Ghori)
The book, though comprehensive, seems to have been scribbled h
a hurry in colloquial Persian which contains broken sentences
grammatical mistakes and obscure words; the subject matter is no
well-arranged nor does the author adhere to the chronologica
narration of events.

27. E&D, II, pp 25, 29, 36.

18. One such work, entitled Tarjuma i Yamini, by Abul Sharaf Jarbazkan
made in 1205-6, was translated into English by James Reynolds, Orient.
Translation Fund, London, 1858; extracts, E & D, II, pp 14-52.

19. A secretary in the Diwan ur Rasail.

20. In his introduction to the tenth volume, Baihaqi writes :

...historical knowledge can only be obtained with difficulty, either l
travelling round the world and undergoing trouble or searching in trus
worthy books and ascertaining the real occurrences from them.
— E& D, II, pp 55.

21. Volumes, 7, 8, 9 and fractions of volumes 6 and 10 were edited and repp
duced in Bibliotheca lndica under the supervision of Major W.N. Lees ai
his Indian staff; for extracts, see E& D, II, pp 53-153.

22. Also entitled, Tarikh i Al i Sabuktagin (or Tarikh i Nasiri. viz. that •
Nasiruddin Sabuktagin). edited by W.H. Morley, Bibliotheca Jnaic
Calcutta, 1861-62.

INTRODUCTION

7

Hasan Nizami

Hasan Nizami’s Tajul Ma'asir **—' ‘The Crown of Exploits’
deals primarily with the history of Qutbuddin Aibek. The av'hor
was an immigrant from Khurasan; he was born at Nishapur in an
aristocratic family of repute. 24 He writes that he ‘never dreamt of
travelling abroad’ until the troubles of his native country ‘com-
pelled him to seek a residence elsewhere.’ 23 He came to Ghazni
made acquaintances with the courtiers of Sultan Muhammad Ghori
and soon migrated to Delhi. Hs joined service under Qutbuddin
Aibek, then the viceroy of northern India on behalf of Muhammad
Chori. Hasan Nizami took up the writing of this book on the
orders of Aibek in 1205. After the death of Muhammad Ghori
Aibek became an independent ruler of northern India; it naturally
added to the social status of the author and enhanced the value of
his official assignment. The narrative commences from the year
1191-92 when Muhammad Ghori invaded India as a wounded
tiger, to avenge his defeat suffered previously at the hands of
Pnthvi Raj III, the Chauhan ruler of Delhi and Ajmer, and fought
the second battle of Tarain. The author gives in detail the military
exploits of Aibek from 1 192 to 1206 though his achievements as
independent ruler (1206-10) find mention in bare outlines, in a
single chapter. The author does not mention Aram Shah but
describes the events of Iltutmish’s reign upto 1217.

Tajul Ma'asir is a marvellous production in more than one
respect. It is the first historical narrative which deals with the
beginning of the Muslim rule in India; it thus untags the history of
the Delhi Sultanate from that of Ghazni, Central Asia or Islam,
the usual starting points of many other contemporary chronicles!
Its medium of expression is a unique mixture of Arabic and Persian
languages, in poetry as well as prose. The author starts in Arabic
and, all of a sudden, switches over to Persian while giving details
of certain events, and again reverts to Arabic at his convenience; a
learned scholar and literary wizard, Hasan Nizami displays his
command over both the languages, his expression is rich in voca-
bulary and juicy phrases. Similarly, the author was a good poet
who could compose verses in both the languages with equal com-
petence; therefore, his prose passages are interspersed with fine
pieces of poetry which are of literary merit in their own right.
The book comprises twelve thousand lines of which above seven
thousand are in verse, both Arabic and Persian. Tajul Ma'asir has
some more unique features to its credit; it is partly history and

23. -E & r > . H, p p 202-40.

24. His father was probably Abel Hasan Nizami Aruzi of Samarqand.

Hasan Askari, quoted in Mohibbul Hasan, Historians of Medieval India •
op. cit; p 169.

25. E &. D, II, pp 210-12. The oldest known Ms. of the book is in Istanbul;
it is dated 694 AH (1295 A.0.).

» ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF, MEDIEVAL INDIA

partly fiction; in the midst of the historical narrative, the author
starts giving fantastic accounts of certain other subjects or charac-
ters in an eloquent style. Not only this; Hasan Nizami intro-
duces, m the style of Panchtantra literature of ancient India a
. nate series of descriptions ( sifats ) within one leading subject,
which include qualities of mirrors, rules of chess, natural elements
seasons, fruits, flowers and what not. To a man of literature with
proficiency in Arabic and Persian, the book offers interesting
reading; no wonder, it was very popular in the literary circles of
early medieval India.

Minhajus Siraj

Minhajus Siraj belonged to an aristocratic family of Central
Asia; he was related from his mother’s side to the ruling house of
Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni. 26 His father was attached to the ‘army
of Hindustan’ under Muhammad Ghori as qazi and spiritual guide.
Minhaj himself was' a distinguished scholar of Islamic theology
( manqul ) and jurisprudence ( fiqh ); he received appointment as
principal of the Firozi madrassah at Uchh in 1227 from Nasiruddin
Qabacha who was then in revolt against Delhi. The very next
year, Uchh was recovered by the royal army, led by Sultan
Iltutmish; Minhajus Siraj accompanied his train to Delhi and was
patronised by the Sultan. Four years later, Gwalior was recon-
quered by Iltutmish from the Rajputs and Minhaj was appointed
its qazi and sadr — justice of peace and head of the ecclesiastical
establishment. In 1228, we find him as the chief qazi of Delhi.
On the deposition of Sultan Behram Shah (1040-42), Minhaj
resigned the post and migrated to Bengal whose ruler had declared
himself independent of Delhi. He stayed at Lakhnauti (ex-Gaur)
for over two years as courtier of the regional ruler; thereafter, he
returned to Delhi and was immediately offered the principalship of
the Nasiriya madrassah. Minhaj became the chief qazi and sadr i
jahan of the state under Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-66); he
enjoyed the confidence of the Sultan and his malik naib (deputy)
Balban.

Minhajus Siraj was an historian par excellence. He produced
an elaborate history of the Islamic world in twenty-three small but
compact volumes or books ( majiladad ), entitled Tabaqat i Nasiri,-
after his royal patron. He starts with the account (volume I) oi
the earlier prophets and ancestors of Muhammad, leading to the
birth of Islam. Each of his subsequent books is devoted to the
history of the Caliphs and Muslim rulers of various countries and

26.

27 .

His great great grandfather Imam Abdul Khaiid hailed from Juzjan,
situated between Merv and Balkh; he married a daughter of Sultan Jbranim

of Ghazni (1055-99). - . , . 17 (£}

The portions of the Tabaqat i Nasiri which relate to India (books 11,1 lj / *
22) were printed in the Bibliotheca Indica under the superintendence ot
Major W.N. Lees in a separate volume of 450 pages, 1863-64.

— Eng, trs. by H. G. Raverty, Bib. Indica. 1881; extracts,
pp 256-379.

E & D, II,

INTRODUCTION

9

periods. Volume XI gives the history of Ghaznavids from
Sabuktagin to the death of Khusrau Malik (1201 a.d.); volume XVII
deals with the Shansabani sultans of Ghur from the origin of the
family to 1215 when its twenty-second and the last ruler Alauddin
surrendered the town of Firoze Koh to Muhammad Khwarizm
Shah. Book XIX gives an account of the Shansabani sultans of
Ghazni from the period of Saifuddin Suri who defeated Behram
Shah Ghazni, to that of Qutbuddin Aibek who expelled Tajuddin
Yaldoz from Ghazni for a shortwhile. Book XX gives the history
of Aibek and his son Aram Shah, Nasiruddin Qabacha, Bahauddin
Tughril and the first four rulers of Lakhnauti, ending with
Husanuddin Ghiasuddin who was defeated and slain by Iltutmish
in 1226. Book XXI records the history of the sultans of Delhi from
Iltutmish to Nasiruddin Mahmud; it carries the narrative to 1259‘
the fifteenth year of Nasiruddin ’s reign. Book XXII contains the
biographical sketches of the eminent courtiers, military generals,
provincial governors and other men of repute of the sultanate
period from 1227 to the author’s own time, ending with the early
history of Balban, then the wazir and malik naib of Nasiruddin
Mahmud.

Book XXIII of the Tabaqat i Nasiri preserves a valuable record
of the Mongol menace in central Asia, including India; it makes
references to Chengiz Khan and his descendants, including
Chaghatai Khan, Batu Khan, Mangu Khan, Halaku Khan, etc;
right upto 1259.

Tabaqat i Nasiri is written in a simple, straightforward and
accurate language. By its very nature, the work is brief; the
author does not resort to useless discussions or side-tracking of the
main issues. It can be said to his credit that his judicial profession
and true historian’s spirit carries a deep imprint on the metho-
dology and contents of the book. Obviously, Minhaj has done a
lot of labour in collecting the material from all the available
sources and devoted many years in hammering it into shape. He
often quotes or refers to the authority for the facts given by him.
Tabaqat i Nasiri was well-known to the later medieval historians
though the Mughal emperors did not encourage its wide circulation
because, in the twenty-third volume, the author had done some
plain speaking about the Mongol marauders and the destruction
wrought by them in Central Asia; the atrocities committed by them
on the Muslims were exposed, particularly, by Minhaj.

Amir Khusrau

Amir Khusrau (c. 1252-1325) was not a professional historian
nor did he claim to be one, albeit he has to his credit about half a

10 advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

dozen historical works, including prose chronicles and masnavis
poetic compositions) like Qiranus Sa'adain, Miftahul Futuh,
Khazainul Futuh, Dewal Rani Khizr Khani, Nuh Sipihr and Tughhiq
Nairn. A born poet and genius as a writer, Amir Khusrau was
the first and by^ far the most prominent ‘representative of fndo-
Muslim culture ’- 8 .of early medieval India. He adorned the courts
of all the sultans from Balban to Ghiasuddin Tughluq as the poet
laureate; he was popularly known as Tuti e Hind.— ‘the parrot of
India’. He is said to have composed four lakhs of couplets in Persian
and Hindavi or Delhvi (later Urdu) language and wrote as many as
ninety-two separate works on literature which included the above-
mentioned historical works, five divans (collections of poetic com-
positions), about a dozen novels, four collections of Shaikh Nizam-
uddin’s sufi philosophy and sayings, besides numerous treatises, in
prose as well as poetry, on theology, philosophy, art, literary
criticism and various cultural themes. He was the first Muslim
poet who made liberal use of Hindi words and adopted Indian
poetic imagery and themes.

Qiran us Sa'adain 29 of Amir Khusrau is an historical masnavi
which gives an eye-witness account of the meeting that took place
in Oudh between Sultan Kaiqubad and his father Bughra Khan,
the governor of Bengal; the poet laureate had accompanied the
young Sultan’s entourage. It throws a flood of light on the politi-
cal condition, the court atmosphere and the socio-cultural life of
the period.

Miftahul Futuh so contains an account of the military campaigns
of Jalaluddin Khalji in poetry.

Khazainul Futuh 31 or Tarikh i Ilahi is an historiographical
composition in prose which describes the conquests and other
achievements of Alauddin Khalji. His military campaigns in
Deccan have been given in detail. The description of Mongol
invasions on India and the strong policy adopted by Alauddin to
combat them, being based on first-hand knowledge, is of great
historical value.

The masnavi, entitled Ashiqa or Dewal Rani Khizr Khani*"
narrates the romantic story of Khizr Khan, son of Alauddin
Khalji and Dewal Rani, the daughter of Rana Karan of Gujarat.

It also makes a brief reference to the military expeditions of
Alauddin Khalji.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32 .

Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture; Calcutta, 1957,
P 121.

Edited by Mohammad Ismail, Aligarh, 1918. . - ,

Edited by Yasin Khan Niazi, Oriental College Magazine, 1936-3/, ior

extracts, see E & D, HI, pp 534-43.

Edited by S. Moimil Haq. Aligarh, 1927; also by M Wahid Mirza,
Calcutta, 1953; English trs. by M. Habib, entitled, The Campaigns oj
Alauddin Khalji; Madras, 1931; extracts E& D, III, Pp 67-92.

Edited by Mohammad Ismail, Aligarh, 1918.

INTRODUCTION

11

The poetic composition of Nuh Sipihr 33 ' deals with the reign of
Mubarak Shah Khalji, the unworthy and incompetent successor of
Alauddin Khalji.

Tughluq Naina, 3 * also an historical masnavi, was composed by
Amir Kkusrau to commemorate the victory of Ghiasuddin Tughluq
over Khusrau Khan (1320 a.d.), leading to the establishment of a
new ruling dynasty. It is a valuable primary source of history for
the reign of Ghiasuddin Tughluq.

These works were prepared by Amir Khusrau either under the
direction of the reigning monarchs or for presentation to them.
His ‘primary concern’ in their composition, was ‘to demonstrate
his literary ability and gain a lasting reputation, and also to get
reward for his literary performances. ,3S Obviously, they present
only the bright side of the picture; the writer applauds the achieve-
ments of his patrons in hyperbolic terms and glosses over their
shortcomings and failures. The works suffer generally from factual
and topographical errors and show lack of chronological sequence.
The author gives fanciful accounts of some very insignificant
happenings by implying verbose style, poetic imageries and literary
art forms. Amir Khusrau cannot be called ‘a deliberate liar’
albeit he ‘omitted what he did not want to express;’ 36 he does not
distort the facts as was done by Barani in the case of Muhammad
bin Tughluq.

In addition to the above, one of Amir Khusrau’s compilations,
entitled, Ijaz i Khusravi 31 is a massive collection of diverse types of
documents, personal letters and treatises written by him to his
friends or masters or just to satisfy his literary and intellectual
hunger. Some of these are the official documents, like the
Fathanama of Lakhnauti, drafted by him on the orders of the
sultans, which are of immense historical importance. In general,
the contents of Ijaz i Khusravi constitute an invaluable source of
study for the socio-cultural history' of the times. As a matter of
fact, Amir Khusrau’s writings are a treasure-house of knowledge
and information regarding the life and conditions of the people of
Hindustan for full four decades when the Sultanate of Delhi was
at the apex of its glory.

33. E&D, Ilf, pp 557-65.

34. Edited by Hashim Faridabadi, Aurangabad, 1933.

35. Hasan Askari in Mohibbul Hasan, Historians of Medieval India; loc. cit:
pp 34-35.

36. ibid; p 26, Askari opines that Amir Khusrau did not ‘always write in a
•straightforward manner, and seldom expressed his real sentiments lest
that might offend and annoy those who were at the helm of affairs. He
wrote with restraint about those people whom he disliked for their
character and conduct’, ibid; p 34.

37. 5 vol; Lucknow, 1876.

12

advanced study in the History of medieval India

Ziauddin Barani

Ziauddin Barani (b. 1285 a.d.), the celebrated author of
Tarikh i Firoze Shahi, has been rated the greatest of all the
contemporary historians of the early medieval India. He belonged
to an aristocratic family of the earliest Turkish immigrants to
India. His maternal grandfather was a distinguished noble of
Balban, and his father Muwaidul Mulk was on the personal staff
of prince Arkali Khan, the second son of Jalaluddin Khalji.
Barani’s uncle Maul Mulk was a friend of Alauddin Khalji; he
was the right-hand man of the latter in planning the Deogiri
expedition and the conspiracy to murder Jalaluddin. After
Alauddin’c usurpation of the throne, Alaul Mulk was rewarded
immediately with the governorship of Kara and Oudh; soon after,
he was invited to Delhi to be the chief counsellor of the Sultan
and kotwal of the capital. Barani was brought up in the capital
in an affluent environment and highly aristocratic traditions of
the day; he joined the imperial court under Muhammad bin
Tughluq and enjoyed his patronage for seventeen long years. The
Sultan held him in high esteem as an intellectual.

Barani was a close associate of Amir Khusrau and rubbed
shoulders with the highest of the nobility in the Sultanate; he was
extremely conscious of his superior social status. To his misfor- •
tune, he fell a victim to a sudden change in the court-politics.
Muhammad bin Tughluq died childless at Thatta (Sind), where he
had gone to suppress a revolt. When the news of his death reached
the capital, Khwaja Jahan, who ran the central administration in
the absence of the Sultan, raised a young boy to the throne without
knowing the fact that Firoze Tughluq (a cousin of Muhammad bin
Tughluq) had already been declared Sultan by the royal entourage
and the army officers in Sind. The Khwaja and his associates lost
their lives for this misadventure; and Barani, who had extended
moral support to them, was also thrown into the prison. Those
who were jealous of Barani, wanted him to be hanged but his life
was spared by the personal intervention of Sultan Firoze Tughluq.
Barani lost, however, the royal patronage and suffered the confisca-
tion of his assets and properties. He became a pauper overnight;
‘disowned by friends, neglected by relatives and despised by
enemies ,’ 38 he died a broken-hearted man in the khanqah of Shaikh
Nizamuddin AuJiya . 39

Barani’y Tarikh i Firoze Shahi i0 preserves the history of the
Delhi Sultanate for full ode century, from 1259 to 1359. The

38. K. A. Nizami in Mohibbul Hasan; Historians of Medieval India; ioc. cit;

p42.

39. "He was reduced to such extreme poverty that no more costly shroud

than a piece of coarse matting could be furnished for the funeral

obseqpies” — Lees quoted in E&D, III, p 96.

40. Edited by S. A. Khan, Bib. Indica; Calcutta, 1862; E&D, HI, pp 93-268.

INTRODUCTION

13

author started his work just where Minhajus Siraj naa left it ;* 1 his
narrative is thus a continuation of the Tabaqat i Nasiri ; it gives the
history of nine rulers from Balban to Firoze Shah Tughluq, upto
the sixth year of his reign. Barani’s write-up, excluding the narra-
tive of Firoze Tughluq, constitutes a standard work of history 42
which establishes his reputation as premier historian of his age, the
master of his craft who surpasses even Minhaj whom he declares to
be his torch-bearer in the pursuit of this discipline.

Barani’s description of Muhammad bin Tughluq’s reign is
‘unfair’; he distorted the facts ‘deliberately’ and wrote with a
biased mind. Similarly, his narrative of Firoze Tughluq’s reign
was prepared under duress; having been disgraced by the royal
court and dubbed an enemy of the reigning monarch by his rivals,
Barani set aside his duties as a historian and, instead, resorted to
the flattery of the Sultan in order to pacify his wrath. The title of
the work, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi, is, in fact, a misnomer; Barani’s
true worth as scientific historian is known not by what he writes
about Muhammad bin Tughluq or Firoze Tughluq but the
preceding Sultans.

Of course, Barani is deficient in dates; at certain places, he
gives an analysis of the events and political developments out of
chronological order but it might have been because of the fact that
he wrote the book just from his memory during the last year of his
wretched living when he had no benefit of notes or other refe-
rences to verify and correct himself. What is praiseworthy about
him is the fact that his brain was the treasure-house of historical
knowledge from which he produced so much that was so valuable.

Barani’s account is not descriptive but analytical and critical;
he does not bother about the details; instead, he takes up the poli-
tical and administrative issues as a ‘compact whole’ and, through a
manner of scientific presentation, reveals the characteristics of the
period to which they belong. Even his minor comments on the
characters and cryptic references to the events throw a flood of
light on the working of the minds of the rulers, and prides and
prejudices of the age. In spite of his subjective approach, which
involved his religious outlook, class consciousness, aristocratic

41. “If I copy what this venerable and illustrious author (Minha) has written,
those who have read his history will derive no advantage from mine; and
if I state anything contrary to the master’s writing' or abridge or amplify
his statements, it will be considered disrespectful and rash. In addition
to which I should raise doubts and difficulties in the minds of his
(Mipha’s) readers’’. — Barani in Tarikh i Firoze Shahi , E & D, III, p 93.

The statement shows a sentimental weakness of the author, not befitting
a mature historian.

42. For Barani ‘history was not a record or a chronical or a story; it
was very definitely a science — the science of the social order and
its basis was not religion or tradition but observation and experience’.

— Mohammad Habib and Mrs (Dr) Afsar Khan, The Political Theory of
the Delhi Sultanate (being the English trs. of Fatawa i Jahandari of
Barani); Kitab Mahal, Allahabad p 125.

14

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

complexion and his subsequent personal discomfiture, Barani reveals
the true historian in him; and those who understand his personal
shortcomings can evaluate and appreciate his work much better. 43

Barani’s Fat aw a i Jahandari 44 is a complementary volume to the
Tarikh i Firoze Shahi. In this book, the author recapitulates and
further elaborates the political philosophy of the Sultanate on the
basis of his eailier narrative. He explains in historical perspective
how the original Islamic theory of kingship and the foreign political
institutions, adopted bv the Turkish rulers of Delhi, underwent
radical changes in the Indian setting over the passage of two centu-
tries. The book deals with subjects like powers and functions of
the crown, privileges of the nobility, the doctrine of safety o the
state law and order problems, crime and punishment, religion and
politics, the role of the army and the intelligence services ot the
sultans.

Firoze Tughhtq’s Autobiography

Sultan Firoze Shah Tughluq has left a
pages in autobiographical writing, called Futuhat which

it gives a brief summary of his military campaigns, s attempt

Med to produce the desired results. The S<xlm does »o attemp

to hid. thS truth or give a clever hnXe state affairs,

shows the true working of his mind in . handl j g < a ^ , jn a

The book ‘exhibits the humane and ' duties which

pleasing tone’; it explains the concept .ot his iangiy □
was based on religious, humanitarian and moral oblig

Shams i Siraj Afif

Shams i
(Punjab), the

Siraj Afif 47 (b. 1354 ^fljuq’s ^lmtti

native town of Sultan Firoze lughiuqs

43

In the words of K. A. Nizami. , to C nlichten a reader unless

Barani is one of those historians who refuse to E categories of his

he ha thoroughly familiarised himse f w.th the ba ccate^ ^ .

thought and the chief

Firoze Shahi is, indeed, for one . . op. cit p. 50.

— Mohibbul Hasan, Historians of Medieval India, op. y

44. Supra, fn 40. „ vn 1941- by S. A. Rashid, Aligarh.

45. Edited by N. B. Roy, JRARR i VII, s by m A. Chaghatai Poona, 1941.

edited also with Urdu trs. and notes by . of thc treatise.

p P, n ttt DO 374 - 88 , carries the complete transla d mosque

Originally,’ the document was '"^oWTinscriptions; it was addressed to
of Firozabad. on the pattern of Ashofca s mscriptm ^ ^ been

faTdnat^ U by Ashote^ul^rs. Bvo of wWd^ JaV^i) and

- 768 H 0366 A - DJ '

—Tarikh / Firoze Shahi; E&D, IU, P «*•

46 ,

47 .

INTRODUCTION

15'

mother. The great grandfather of Afif had been a personal friend
of Ghiasuddin Tughluq before the latter acquired the throne.
Afif’s ancestors were, therefore, closely associated with the Tughluq
rulers; he himself adorned the court of Firoze Tughluq as a scholar
though he never accepted an official employment. He held learned
discourses with the Sultan and used to accompany him on hunting
expeditions. He is said to have written three books on the life-
history, military expeditions and administrative achievements of each
of the three Tughluq rulers — Ghiasuddin, Muhammad bin Tughluq
and Firoze Tughluq, of which only the one, entitled, Tarikh i Firoze
Sftalti , 48 has survived. It is devoted exclusively to the reign of
Fiioze Tughluq and constitutes the most accurate and authentic
contemporary account of his times. The book was written by Afif
long after the death of the Sultan when Delhi had been invaded
and put to plunder by Amir Timur. He wrote, in the true spirit
of a historian and biographer, the reminiscences of the glorious
past, for the edification and benefit of posterity, without any
self-interest, prejudice or reflexes. In compact and well-written
ninety chapters of the book, the author gives, in a simple and
matter-of-fact narrative, not only the political and military activi-
ties of Firoze Tughluq but also his administrative policy with
special reference to the public welfare activities. From the study
of this book, we get the impression that Firoze Tughluq was really
the forerunner of Sher Shah Suri and Akbar in the matter of utili-
sing state resources for the public good. The book is unique in
the sense that it also describes the life and condition of the people
at large, the one aspect which has usually been ignored by contem-
porary writers. According to Elliot, this work ‘gives us altogether
a better view of the internal condition of India under a Moham-
madan sovereign than is presented to us in any other work, except
the Ayin i Akbari .’ 49

Amir Timuri's Autobiography

Amir Timur (1334-1405)— ‘the scourge of God on earth’, who
took Delhi by storm in 1398-99 has also left an autobiographical
account of his exploits in the Tuzuk i Timuri or Malfuzat i Timuri. 60
It is said to have been written originally in Chaghatai 61 (Turki)
which was translated into Persian during the reign of Shah Jahan
by Abu Talib Husaini, For a long time, there was a heated

48. Edited by Wilayat Husain, Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta, 1891; for
extracts, see E & D, III, pp 269-373.

49. E&D, II, p 270.

50. Translated from Persian into English by Major Stewart, Oriental Trans-
lation Fund, 1830; for extracts, see E&D, III, pp 389-477.

51. Original Turkish version has not yet been found by the modern world.

16

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

controversy regarding its authenticity 53 among the modem historians
which has now been laid to rest and the work is treated as
genuine’. The book was not written by Timur himself; instead,
he got it written under his personal direction and supervision. Its
language is simple and it g'Ves the factual information in plain and
straightforward manner. The crude facts relating to Timur’s
destructive activities are given without any attempt to hide the real
motives of ‘the blood-thristy monster’; they are explained in the
first person.

Thirty years after the death of Timur, Maulana Yazdi 53 , a
courtier of the Timuri house, wrote an account of his military
exploits in a book, entitled, Zafarnama , 54 For its preparation,
Yazdi made use of all the available sources, including Timur’s
memoirs. He states clearly that these memoirs were prepared
under the personal direction of Timur; were read out in his
presence and received the ‘impress of his approval’. Yazdi’s
account is nearly a reproduction of Tuzuki Tinturi with the diffe-
rence that the author has used a more polished and flowery
language and attempted to hide, behind his literary style, the naked
and brute force of Timur’s actions.

Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi

Tarikh i Mubarak Shahi 55 of Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi is the
only contemporary source, discovered so far, on the history of the
Sayyid dynasty (1414-5 1). The author wrote it with the express
object of recording the achievements of his patron, Sultan Mubarak
Shah (1421-34) and his predecessors. He tells us nothing about
himnself not even the official designation or status occupied by him
in the court. The book begins with the rise of the Ghori dynasty
and the conquest of northern India by the Turks. It gives a bncr
account of the earlier sultans of Delhi but the bulk of the narrative
is devoted exclusively to the description of military and political
activities of the Sayyid rulers. The story comes to an end abruptly
in 1434-35 when Sayyid Muhammad was on the throne. The

52.

53.

54.

55.

Sachau dubbed it a fabrication, made by Abu Talib to win favours ao
reward from the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan. He writes : ,

The reader will be astonished to learn how that monster who Knew
well how to sack and burn cities, to slaughter hundreds of thouisno
his fellow-creatures, to lay waste almost one-half of the then e : ,vl ' , . s
world in a marvellously short time— in his leisure hours received msp -
tions, from Clio; that he, in short, was a Tatar Caesar. Even admitting
that he knew how to write, we cannot believe in his authorship oi i

book in question. .... , r r, n m

— Sachau’s review of E & D, III, (original edition), quoted in E & D, in.
Susil Gupta reprint, Calcutta, 1958, p 42.

Yazdi wrote the book in 1424 A.D.; he died in 1446.

E&D, HI, pp 478-522.

Original Ms. runs into 263 pages of 13 I*n« in a page; ^ited Py
M. Hidayat Husain, Bib. Indica, 1931; extracts, E&D, TV, PP 6-88.

INTRODUCTION

17

author had consulted ‘various histories’ for writing the earlier part
of the book while the account of the Sayyids was based upon his
‘trustworthy information and personal knowledge’. Elliot declares
Yahya to be ‘a careful and apparently an honest chronicler 56 ’.
Like a typical medieval Indian writer, Yahya visualises the divine
will in shaping the fortunes of Islam in India and ends the account
of each monarch with the phrase ‘God alone knows the truth.’
Tarikh i Mubarak Shahi was consulted and duly acknowledged by
the historiographers of the Mughal period, including Nizamuddin
Ahmad, Badauni and Firishta.

Khwaja Abdullah Malik Isarai

Khwaja Abdullah Malik Isami (b. 1311 A.D.), a scholar and
poet of the fourteenth century, wrote an historical masaavi, Futuhus
Solatia 57 in 1349-50, on the Turkish rule in India from the
Ghaznavids to Muhammad bin Tughluq. He belonged to an
aristocratic family of Turkish immigrants 58 who had long associa-
tions with the earliest sultans of Delhi. Isami was about sixteen
years old when he migrated to Daulatabad during the reign of
Muhammad bin Tughluq. He was &n eternal bachelor who is
said to have suffered considerable hardships in Deccan and lived a
wretched and .lonely life when Alauddin Hasan, the founder of the
Bahmani kingdom, extended his patronage to him. Futuhus Solatia
was composed by him in his old age to secure the goodwill of his
new patron; it makes a selective use of the material then available,
but gives it an original form and a rhythm of his own. The author
gives in outline the history of the sultans of Delhi and proceeds to
explain in detail the circumstances which led to the foundation of
the Bahmani kingdom. He narrates the achievements of Alauddin
Hasan in hyperbolic terms, giving free vent to the flights of his
poetic imagination. Isami’s approach to Muhammad bin Tughluq
is highly subjective; he has painted the Sultan in the darkest shade
as the ‘wisest fool’ of the Islamic world. The book is, however, of
special merit to the modern historians of early medieval history in
one respect; it is the only contemporary source which records the
events of the closing years (1259-66) of Sultan Nasiruddin
Mahmud’s reign which had been left out by Minhajus Siraj; thus
it fills up a gap between the narratives of Tabaqat i Nasiri of
Minhaj and Tarikh i Firoze Shahi of Barani. On the whole,
Futuhus Solatia is not a critical history; it suffers from factual
mistakes and omissions of important events. According to the
author, the course of histoiy is determined by pre-ordained divine

56. E&D, IV, p6.

57. Edited by Agha Mahdi Husain, Agra, 1938; and by A/S Usha, Madras,
1950.

58. One of his ancestors, Fakhr Malik Isami, came to India from Bagbadad
in the time of Ututmish. Since then his family had been in the service of
the- sultans of Delhi; Isami’s grandfather A’izzuddin was the chief
huntsman tsar i laslikar ) of Balban.

advanced study in the history of

pattern and fate plays its invisible role in making
fortunes of the kings and their families.

MEDIEVAL INDIA
or marring the

Mir Khwand

Mir Khwand, 59 also known as Mirkhond (b. 1433 a.d.), was an
Arab whose parents had migrated to Herat, then the capital of
Khurasan. He was devoted to literary pursuits and enjoyed the
patronage of Ali Shir, himself a distinguished scholar and minister
of the Khurasan ruler. He wrote the history of Central Asia,
entitled, Rauzat us Safa 60 — ‘the Garden of Purity’, in two volumes.
Divided into seven books, the work gives a detailed treatment to
the career and achievements of Chengiz Khan, Amir Timur and
their descendants. The author says that he had made use - of
nineteen Arabic and twenty-two Persian histories in the preparation
of this work; his book forms the basis of many other literary works
of Central Asian writers.

Khondamir

Khondamir was the son of Mirkhond’s daughter; his original
name was Ghiasuddin. Bom at Herat in 1475, he grew up to be a
brilliant scholar who developed a special taste for historiography.
Khondamir was given charge of his personal library by Ali Shir,
the patron of his maternal grandfather. He produced a standard
work on_the history of the Muslim world, entitled, Khulasat ul
Akhbar si ln his early twenties; as per his own statement, Khond-
amir had devoted six years in the preparation of this book.

Khondamir took up service under Sultan Baduiz Zaman, the
last descendant of Amir Timur in Khurasan; he received appoint-
ment as chief qazi and sadr, in charge of the ecclesiastical affairs.
In 1 507-8, Khurasan was conquered by the Uzbecks and Khond-
amir retired to a small village called Basht in Ghorjistan which Jay
on the upper course of the Merghab in the vicinity of Ghur. -
Unmindful of the political upheavals, Khondamir carried on the
literary pursuits and produced a number of works including one
Dastur ul Wuzara . 6S

Khondamir wrote yet another comprehensive history of the
Islamic world under the title Habibus Siyar 64 between 1521-28.
This book was under preparation when Khondamir migrated to

59.

60.

61.

62.

63.

64.

Muhammad bin Khwand Shah alias Mir Khwand. ,,

Full title : Xauzat us Safa fi Sirat al Ambiyla wa'I Muluk wa l hhulnja.
Eng. trs. by E. Rehatsek, Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, London,
1891-93; extracts, E & D, IV, pp 127-40.

E ScD, TV, pp 141-47.

Hodivala, Studies in lndo-Mttslim History, op. at; p 4Z4.

E&2>’iv[pp 154-2 12. The original Ms. contains 2318 pages with
twenty lines to a page.

INTRODUCTION

19

India, soon after the establishment of the Mughal rule. He was
introduced to Babar at Agra; the latter was highly impressed by
Khondamirs scholarship. He was immediately granted a handsome
allowance and permitted to carry on his literary activities at his
leisure. Khondamir accompanied the train of Babar during his
military campaigns and completed the Habibus Siyar somewhere
on the banks of the Ganges. The book comprises an introduction,
three volumes, each of which is further subdivided into four
chapters, and a conclusion. It gives an account of the rule of the
sultans of Delhi, excluding the Tughluqs. 65

As regards the Khulasat nl Akhabar, it was originally intended
to carry the history of the Muslim world upto 1471 only; the
author revised the scope of the book while in India and extended
the account up to 1528. As it finally emerged, the work comprises
an introduction, ten volumes and a conclusion; the chapters
relating to the Ghaznavids, the Ghurids and the Sultans of Delhi
are contained in the eighth volume while some of the events relating
to the Indian conditions are found mentioned in the last two
volumes as well.

After the death of Babar, Khondamir was attached to the court
of Humayun for whom he wrote a treatise, entitled, Qanun i
Huyamuni .® 6 It describes, particularly, the administrative innova-
tions introduced by the emperor during the early years of his reign.
Khondamir was on the personal staff of Humayun during his
campaign to Malwa and Gujarat in 1534-35 when he died in the
imperial camp. According to his own desire, expressed just before
his death, Khondamir’s body was brought to Delhi and buried
. close to the tombs of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and Amir
Khusrau.

The Travelogues

A few travelogues of the foreigners, who visited India during
the early medieval period, also throw some light on the political •
developments and socio-cultural history of their times.

Ibn Battuta 67 fc. 1304-78) occupies a premier position among
them; he was an Arab traveller and adventurer from Morocco.
An expert in Islamic theology and jurisprudence, Ibn Battuta left
his home in 1325 on a life-long tour of the world. After passing
through the countries of northern Africa and the Arabian
peninsula, he reached Sind in 1333, from where he moved on to
Delhi. He was extended patronage by Muhammad bin Tughluq

65. Chapter 4 in volume (mujilad) iii is devoted exclusively to. the account of
Babar, the living patron of the author.

66. Qanun i Humayuni (or Humayun Namah), edited by M. Hidayat Hosain,
Calcutta, Bib. Indica, 1940; English trs. by Beni Parshad, Calcutta, 1940,

67. Abu Abdullah alias Muhammad Ibn Battuta.

20

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

who appointed him the qazi of Delhi. He held this post for about
eight years but, to his misfortune, some cases of corruption and
dishonesty were brought forward against him which landed Ibn
Battuta into the jail. However, he secured his release by making
a personal appeal to the Sultan. The latter despatched Ibn
Battuta to China as the head of a diplomatic mission in 1342; on
the way his party met with a shipwreck and he had to return to
Delhi without completing his assignment. Thereafter, Ibn Battuta
bade farewell to Delhi and moved on his sojourn again; after
visiting Maidive islands and Ceylon, he returned to southern
India and stayed at Madura for a short while. From there he went
to Mecca on a /zq/ pilgrimage before his return to his homeland in
1349. Ibn Battuta received a warm reception from the ruler and
the people of Morocco; by this time he had acquired a world-wide
fame as philosopher and saint. He enjoyed love and reverence of
his countrymen and died at, the ripe old age of seventy-three.

Ibn Battuta wrote his travelogue, entitled, Kitab nr Rehla 08 in
Arabic, a part of which is devoted to his experience of the Indian
life at Delhi and Madura. His book is a primary source of history
of the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq; it throws light on the
socio-political condition of his times. The account, though a
sincere and straightforward record of Battuta’s personal observa-
tions and experience, suffers, however, from some inaccuracies and
shortcomings as a book of history. It was because Ibn Battuta’s
knowledge of Persian (the court language of the sultans) and
Indian languages was very poor. The author was not a historio-
grapher by nature and temperament; he did not show resourceful-
ness in obtaining accurate information about the various events
and political developments of his days. Nevertheless, his
travelogue is a very valuable treatise written by a foreigner on the
life and conditions of Hindustan during the Tughluq period. His
account of Muhammad bin Tughluq’s character needs to be read
with caution as it suffers from some subjective bias.

Abdur Razzak, the celebrated author of Mat /aits Sa'dain wa
Majmaul Bahrain.^ ‘The Rising of the Two Fortunate Planets
(Jupiter and Venus) and the Junction of the Two Seas’, was a
Persian scholar. He was born at Herat in 1413; his father
Jalaluddin Ishaq was a widely travelled man who held the post of
qazi of Samarqand towards the fag-end of his life under Sultan
Shah Rukh of Khurasan, Abdur Razzak entered the service of
the sultan after the death of his father in 1437. He was sent as an
ambassador to the court of Vijayanagar; he stayed in Deccan lor
about two years (1442-43). He adorned the court of the Sultans

68 .

69 .

Translated in English by A. Mahdi Husain, entitled, The Reh/a afjbn
Battuta, Baroda, 1953; abridged trs. by H A E R Gibb. Broadway Trave-
lers Series, London, 1929; also, by the Hakluyt Society, second series,
Cambridge, 1958; E& D, III, pp 585-619. n

English trs. by R. H. Major in India in Iltc Fifteenth Century; Being a
Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India’’; Hakluyt Society, Lond ,
1857; Indian Reprint, Deep, publications, Delhi, 1974.

INTRODUCTION

21

of Khurasan till his death in 1482; during the last ten years of his
life, he was the superintendent of the khanqah of the late Sultan
Shah Rukh. Abdur Razzak spent his time in literary pursuits; the
above-mentioned history of Central Asia, in two volumes, is one of
his contributions. In the first volume, the author gives, among
other things, an account of Amir Timur’s invasion of India; in the
second volume, he describes the history of Timur’s descendants
from Shah Rukh (c. 1404) to Sultan Hasan Mirza (upto 1470); it
is in this volume that he gives a detailed account of his journey to
and from Vijayanagar court and its working, the personal life-style
of the sovereign and his countries, and, the socio-cultural condition
of the people of Deccan in general. His travelogue is one of the
primary sources of history of the Vijayanagar kingdom of the early
medieval period.

A few European travellers who visited India during the early
medieval period have also made some useful references to the land
and its people in their travelogues. They include, among others,
Marco Polo, Nicolo Conti', Duarte Barbosa and Domingos Paes.
Marco Polo, ‘the great father of modem geography’ 70 was a native
of Venice. He set on a sojourn of the world in the company of his
father and uncle in 1271, and after passing through many countries,
reached the court of Kublai Khan, the Mongol emperor of China
in 1274. Marco Polo entered into the service of the great Khan
and stayed in his court for seventeen long years. Thereafter, he
returned to Venice in 1294-95; on his way back, Marco Polo
visited the Andaman ( Angaman ) islands and sailed along the
eastern and western sea coasts of India. In the course of his
explorations, he attempted to acquaint himself with the ‘natural
history’ and the rich agricultural and industrial products which
might become valuable as articles of commerce between India and
Europe. Marco Polo, in his travelogue, 71 speaks of brisk maritime
trade and commerce along the Indian coasts. He describes the
life and condition of the common people and gives a vivid account
of their dress, food habits, manners and social customs.

More than a century and a half later, yet another Venetian,
Nicolo Conti (Nicolo de’Conti), visited southern India under
similar conditions. While as a young man, Nicolo Conti had
settled in Damascus as a merchant sometime in the beginning of
the fifteenth century. The spirit of adventure and exploration led
him to the countries of the East including India, Ceylon, Sumatra,
Java and China. It is said that after about twenty-five years, of
wandering, he ultimately returned to his mother country in c.1444
a.d. While in Cairo, he fell into the hands of some Arab fana-
tics; lost his wife and two children, and was compelled to renounce
Christianity in order to save his life. On return to Rome, he

70. R. H. Major, India in the Fifteenth Century; op. cit; P L.

71. Travels of Marco Polo; English trs. with notes by H. Yule and H.
Cordier, 2 vols, London, 1903, 1920.

22

advanced study in the HISTOKY of MEDIEVAL INDIA

pleaded for absolution for his apostasy from Pope Eugene IV. The
latter granted his request on the simple condition that, as a
penance, he should narrate his true adventures in the far-off lands.
His narrative which was recorded in Latin by the Pope’s secretary
(Poggio Bracciolini) constitutes the travelogue of Nicolo Conti. 72
He had sailed along the coast of Malabar and visited the interior
of Deccan in c. 1420. His narrative gives a few glimpses of the
royal court of Vijayanagar and throws light on the socio-economic
condition of southern India in general.

Duarte Barbosa was a Portuguese official in Cochin during
c 1500-16. His description of southern India, particularly that of
the Vijayanagar, is of great geographical and ethnographical
significance. 73 So also is the narrative of another Portuguese
traveller Domingos Paes who visited Vijayanagar kingdom during
cc.1500-02. 74

Mughal Historians of Early Medieval India

Some contemporary works, primarily related to the Mughal
period, also throw light on certain aspects of the early medieval
history. They include, among others, Tuzuk i Baburi 76 ; Abul Fazl’s
Akbar Nama 76 (including Ain i Akbari)' 1 , Badauni’s Muntakhabut
Tawarikh 7S , Tabaqat i Akbari 79 of NizamUddin Ahmad and Tarikh
i Firishta 80

72. The original version has been lost to the posterity but its translations in
Portuguese and Italian languages are available. English trs. with notes
by J. Winter Jones in R. H. Major, India in the Fifteenth Century; op. at;
pp 1-39.

73. The Book of Duarte Barbosa; Engligh trs. by M. L. Dames, 2 vols;

Hakluyt Society London, 1918, 1921.

74. For a detailed account of Domingos Paes and Duarte Barbosa, refer to
K.A.N. Sastri, Foreign Notices of South India; Madras, 1939.

75. English tr . by A. S. Beveridge, 2 vols; London, 19 21.

76. It is in three volumes — Ain i Akbari comprises its third volume. English
trs. by H. Beveridge, 3 vols; Bib. Indica; Calcutta, 1894-1939.

77. English trs. of Ayeen Akbery by F Gladwin, 3 vols; Calcutta, 1783-8G;
also. Ain i Akbari in three volumes : Vol. I by Blochmann; Vols. II and
HI by Jarrett; Bib. Indica; Calcutta, 1939; and Vols II & III by J N
Sarkar, Bib. Indica; 1948-49.

78. Mulla Abdul Qadir Ibn i Muluk Shah al-Badauni, Muntakhabut
Tawarikh; edited in 3 vols by Kabiruddin Ahmad,- Ahmad All & W. in.
Lees, Bib. Indica; Calcutta, 1864-69; English trs. Vol. I by G S A
Ranking; Vol. II by W. H. Lowe & Vol. Ill, by T. W. Haig; Bib. Indica,
1881-1925

79. Nizamuddin Ahmad Bakhshi, Tabaqat i Akbari; English trs. by B. De & B
Prashad Bib. Indica; 3 vols; [Calcutta, 1913-40; extracts, E & D, IV, pp
187-476.

80. Translated into Engligh and edited by John Briggs under the title. History
of the Rise of the Mahommedan Power in India Till the Year 1612; 4 vols,
London, 1829; reprinted by R. Cambray & Co of Calcutta, 1908-10; Urdu
trs. by M. Fida Ali Talib, 4 vols: Hyderabad, 1926-32.

INTRODUCTION

23

Ahmad Yadgar wrote Tarikh i Salat in i Afghana or Tarikh i
Shahi 81 in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. It gives an
authentic account of the Lodi and the Sur dynasties, which is based
on all the literary sources then available on the subject. The
author, in the preface, describes himself as the servant of the Sur
kings albeit his father was wazir to Mirza Askari, Babar’s third
son, in the Gujarat campaign in 1536-37. The book is said to have
been undertaken by Ahmad Yadgar under the patronage of Daud
Shah, the last prince of the Afghan race in India who was beheaded
by the orders of Khan-i-Khana in 1575; it was completed, however,
under the direction of Akbar in 1601. It gives a refreshing account
of the struggle carried on by the Afghan princes against Babar and
Humayun for the re-establishment of their political ascendancy in
Hindustan.

Abdullah of Koil (Aligarh) wrote Tarikh i Daudi 82 in the time
of the Emperor Jahangir (1605-28). It gives an account of the
Afghan rulers of India, including the Lodis and the Surs. The
author says nothing about himself nor refers to any contact with
the Mughal court. He oeems to have been a free lance Afghan
writer who ‘involuntarily conceived the design’ of collecting scat-
tered records of Afghan rulers to compile them into one volume
‘with the aid of the Almighty’. The book starts with the rise to
power of Behlol Lodi, the first Afghan ruler of India, and carries
the narrative to the reign of Adil Shah Sur. The author concludes
with the account of Daud Shah; the book is dedicated to him. Like
the typical histories of the period, the account is deficient in
chronological sequence and dates; nevertheless, it contains some
interesting stories and anecdotes of the sultans, particularly,
Sikander Lodi. About the discipline of history, the author writes : 83

History is not simply information regarding the affairs of kings
who have passed away, it is a science which expands to intellect
and furnishes the wise with examples.

Khwaja Niamatullah Haravi compiled Tarikh i Khan Jahani M in
1613 at Burhanpur during the reign of Jahangir. He was an
official historiographer ( waqiah navis) of Jahangir till 1608-09; later
on, he joined the personal staff of Khan Jahan Lodi whom ,he
accompanied in the Deccan campaign. The book was written by
him at the bidding of Khan Jahan Lodi. *t gives a genealogical
record of the various Afghan tribes with cial reference to the

81. Edited by M. Hidayat Husain, Bib Indica; Calcutta, 1939; extracts,
E &D, I, pp 1-66.

82. E & D, IV, pp 434-513.

83. E & D, IV, p 434.

84. Edited by Imamuddin, Dacca, 1960. A shorter recension of the same
work called Makhzan i Afghani, translated into Fnglish by B. Dorn,
Oriental translation Fund, London, 1829-36. The differences between the
two recensions are given in E&D, V, pp 67-115, with copious notes.

24

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDI4

Lodis and the Surs who gained political ascendancy in early
medieval India.

We possess quite a' few excellent literary works, written parti-
cularly during the Mughal period, on the history of the regional
and provincial states of the early medieval India. Among these,
mention may be made of the Tarikh i Sind, 85 written by Mir
Muhammad Masum of Bhakkra in about 1600 during the reign of
Akbar. Also known as Tarikh i Masumi, after its author, the book
gives the regional history of Sind since its conquest by the Arabs to
the time of Akbar. It draws freely from Chachnama in describing
the pre-Muslim history of Sind and uses numerous contemporary
sources to give a brief but authentic history of the province with
special reference to its administration under Akbar.

Riyazus Salat in 86 of Ghulam Husain Salim, written in 1788,
outlines the history of Bengal since the invasion of Muhammad bin
Bakhtiyar Khalji to date. 87

For the history of Gujarat, 83 we have several works, including
Mirat i Sikandari 89 of Sikandar bin Muhammad (completed in
1611); the Mirat i Alimadi 90 or Ali Muhammad Khan (c 1756-61),
and Tarikh i Gujarat 91 of Mir Abu Turab Vali, The history of the
Bahmani kingdom and that of the Nizamshahi dynasty of Ahmad-
nagar has been well preserved in Burhan i Ma'asir 02 of Sayyid Ali
Tabataba written between 1591-96. The author was an official of
the sultans of Golconda and Ahmadnagar.

Similarly, the Tazkirat ul Muluk, 93 written by Rafiuddin Shirazi
between 1608-12, deals with the history of the Bahmani kingdom
and its subsequent offshoots, the states of Bijapur, Ahmadnagar,
Golconda, Berar and Bider. The author was governor of Bijapur
under Sultan Ali Adil Shah II (1557-79).

85. English trs. by R. H. Thomas, Bombay. 1855; edited by U. M. Daudpota,
Poona, 1938; extracts, E D, I, pp 212-52.

86. Edited by A.H. Abid, Bib. Indica, 1890-98; trs. by A. Salam, Bib. Indica,

1 902—'"

87. For detailed bibliography on the history of early medieval Bengal, refer

to Jadunath Sarkar (ed. 1 , The History of Bengal; Voi. II, University ol
Dacca, 1948, pp 501-08.

88. Refer to Sayyid A. A. Tirmizi, “The Contemporary Persian Chronicles of

/Its Sultans of Gujarat : A Study (AH 810-980 : AD 1407-1573) Islamic
Culture; XXXII, 1958, pp 121-34. , r , ^ „

S9. English trs. by E. C. Bayley under the title. The Local Muhammcaan
Dynasties, Gujarat; London, 1886.

90. Partly translated by J. Bird in his Political and Statistical History of

Gujarat; London, 1835. ,

91. Edited by E. Denison Ross, Bib. Indica; Calcutta, 190 9-

92. English trs. by J.S. King under the title, The History of the Bahmani
Dynasty; London, 1900.

93. English trs. by JS King in Ibid.

INTRODUCTION

25

Riyazul Insha 94 is a valuable collection of letters, documents and
despatches of Mahmud Gawan, the most celebrated prime minister
of the Bahmani kingdom.

Indigenous Literature

Numerous Hindu states flourished in India, side by side with
the sultanate of Delhi; many of these never fell into lie hands of
the Turks nor did they accept any Islamic influence for a long time.
A number of regional Hindu states, though subjugated earlier by
the Turks, re-asserted their independence and quite a few new
ruling dynasties came into existence on the slow but steady disinte-
gration of the Delhi sultanate beginning from the middle of the
fourteenth century. The rise of the Vijayanagar kingdom in the
south during the early medieval period was by itself a unique
political-cum-soeio-cultural phenomenon. Their history is recon-
structed by the sources which are almost entirely indigenous in
nature and do not have much to do with the Arabic and Persian
literary sources as given above.

Indigenous literature on early medieval history includes, among
other works, a series of Sanskrit poetical compositions, bearing the
common title of Rajatarangini, which record the history of
Kashmir. Kalhana Pandit 95 was the pioneer historiographer who
wrote the first Rajatarangini and described in it the history of
Kashmir from the earliest times to 1148-49. Two centuries later,
the thread of the narrative was picked up by Joyts-nakara, popu-
larly known as Jonaraja; he wrote the history of Kashmir from
1 149 to 1459 and gave the same title Rajatarangini to it. Jonaraja’s
work is thus the earliest contemporary history of Kashmir during
the sultanate period. Grandson of Lohraja and son ofBhatta
Nonaraja, the celebrated author of the second Rajatarangini , was
bom in c 1389; he was a courtier of Sultan Zainul Abidin. The
book was written by him at the bidding of the Sultan; accordingly,
the author exaggerates the virtues of his royal patron, otherwise
his book constitutes a standard work of historical literature.
Jonaraja continued the narrative till his death in 1459. Thereafter,
his pupil Srivara, 96 who also rose to be a distinguished scholar,
poet and musician, and enjoyed [the patronage of Zainul Abidin
and his successors, produced yet another historical composition in
Sanskrit poetry, under the title, Jaina Rajatarangini . His work

94. Edited by Shaikh Chand, Hyderabad (Deccan), 1948. For detailed
bibliography on Bahmani kingdom, see H.K. Sherwani, The Bahmanis of
Deccan; Hyderabad (Deccan), 1953.

95. Kalhana, Rajatarangini; English trs. by M. A. Stein, 2 vols; London,
1900;also, by R S Pandit, Allahabad, 1935.

96. Jonaraja, Srivara, Prajyabhatta and Suka, Dvitiya, Tritiya and Chaturthi
Rajatarangini; 1st ed. by M. A. Troyer, Calcutta, 1835; 2nd ed. by P
.Peterson; first edited trs. of all the Rajataranghiis by J. C. Dutt, under the
title. Kings of Kashmir; 3 vols; Calcutta, 1879-88.

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

contains the history of the ruling house of Kashmir from 1459 to
1486. From the literary point of view, it is inferior in quality from
the earlier compositions albeit it is equally valuable as a work of
history. The tradition of writing the history of Kashmir under the
title Rajatarangini was continued by Prajyabhatta and Suka whose
works help us, to some extent, in reconstructing the history of the
reign upto 1596 but their compositions are not of much literary
or historical merit. Kashmir was conquered by Akbarinl585
AD . 97

The bards of Rajputana composed poems on the military
exploits or love stories of their martial heroes for the amusement
of the people; these are of considerable help in the reconstruction
of history of the times. Chand Bardai, the royal bard o'f Prithviraj
HI, the Chauhan ruler of Delhi and Ajmer, narrates the heroic
exploits of his patron in his epic composition, entitled Prithviraja
Raso. 08 Inspite of its obvious drawbacks, its value as a piece of
historical literature was duly recognised by James Tod, the
celebrated author of the Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan ."
The Prithviraja Raso gives not only a glimpse of the life and, death
struggle, between the Rajputs and Muhammad Ghori but also
throws a flood of light on the political, military and socio-
economic structure of the ‘Rajput Civilisation’ immediately before
the establishment of the Turkish rule in India. 100

Similarly, the Prithviraja Vijaya , 101 written by Jayanaka
between 1 193-1200 is a reliable source of history for the Chauhan
rulers of Sapadalaksha and Ajmer.

R. Sewell was the first modern historian who produced a
comprehensive history of" the Vijayanagar kingdom under the
title, A Forgotten Empire, 101 by making use of the indigenous
sources in Sanskrit and Telugu languages.

97. The only Persian source book for the history of Kashmir for the period
1420-1540 is Tarikh i Rashidi by Mirza Hyder Dugblat; English trs. by
E. Denison Ross & N. Elias, London, 1895.

For detailed bibliography on the subject, refer to W. Haig, “The Chrono-
logy and Genealogy of the Muhammedan Kings of Kashmir;” a JR/
1918, pp 451-68; M. Husain. Kashmir Under the Sultans; Calcutta, 1959,
& R.K. Parmu, A History of Muslim Rule in Kashmir; Delhi, 1969.

98. Prithviraja Raso (Hindi), edited by Hazari Prasad Dwivedi & Namvar
Singh, Allahabad, 1952; by Vipin Bihari Trivedi, Lucknow, 1953; and by
B. P. Sharma, Chandigarh, 1963; also refer to Prithiviraja Raso : Aik
S atniksha; by Vipin Bihari Trivedi, Lucknow, 1964.

99. 2 vols; London, 1829; reprint, 1957.

100. “The poets are the chief, though not the sole historians of western India;
neither is there any deficiency in them, though they speak in a pccuiia
language, which requires to be translated into the sober language oi
probability.” — Tod, I, pp xv.

101. Edited by G. H. Ojha, & C. Guleri, Ajmer, 1941.

102. London, 1900.

INTRODUCTION

27

'V,

Following in his footsteps, S. K. Ayyangar l03 and K., : A:~N.
Sastri 101 collected, translated and edited numerous Mjidige'nous
sources which had a bearing on the subject.

Archaeological Sources

The Sultans of Delhi did not leave behind .much epigraphic
evidence of historical significance albeit their coins have proved to
be very useful in fixing the chronology of events and correcting or
ascertaining the genealogical tables of the rulers. The archaeologi-
cal sources, including the inscriptions, coins, monuments and other
antiquities are of immense value in the reconstruction of the
history of southern India and all those regional states which
remained outside the pale of Muslim domination during the early
medieval period. In their general application, the epigraphic and
numismatic find-spots help us in determining the approximate
limits of the regional kingdoms. The monuments of the sultanate
period give us an insight into the cultural trends of the times.
They are a living testimony to the intermingling of the Hindu and
Muslim architectural traditions and structural designs ; they
reveal, in unambiguous terms, the living conditions, faiths and
beliefs, and the socio-cultural outlook of the sovereigns and the
upper strata of the early medieval society. The inscriptions have
been published mostly in the Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, Epigraphia
Jndica and other antiquarian journals. A collection of all the
inscriptions published in the Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica (1907-38),
chronological arranged with summaries, is given by V.S. Bendrey
in A Study of Muslim Inscriptions. 105 Edward Thomas made
extensive use of the numismatic sources in The Chronicles of the
Pathan Kings of Delhi 105 ; his work is supplemented by the
catalogues of coins in various museums of India and England. 107
The researches done by Percy Brown, Burgess, Fergusson, Havell,

103. S.K. Ayyangar, Sources of Vijayauagar History; Madras . University
Historical Series — 1, 1919.

104. K.A.N. Sastri & N. Venkataramanaya, Further Sources ofVijayanagar
History; 2 vols; Madras University Historical Series, no. 18, 1946.

105. Kamatak Publishing House, Bombay, 1944.

106. London, 1871.

107. Refer to S. Lane Poole, The Coins of the Sultans of Delhi; being Vol. I of
The Catalogue of Indian Coins in the British Museum; London, 1 884.

C. J. Rodgers, Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museums; Part 1 : “The
Sultans of Delhi and Their Contemporaries in Bengal, Jaunpur, Malwa,
the Dekkan and Kashmir”; Calcutta, 1894.

H. Nelson Wright, Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta;
2 vols; II, Oxford, 1907; and. The Sultans of Delhi, Their Coinage and
Metrology; Delhi, 1936.

Shamsuddin Ahmad, Supplement to Volume II of the Catalogue of Coins
in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, by H. N.-Wright; Delhi. 1939.

C. R. Singhal, Bibliography of Indian Coins; pt. ii, “Muhammedan and
Later Series”; Bombay, 1952.

28

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Cousens, John Marshall 108 and a host of other specialists in art and
architecture provide ample material to the historiographer,
interested in the reconstruction of the history of the early medieval
Period of India.

108. Refer to A. Percy Brown, Indian Architecture (Islamic Period); Bombay,
1944.

J. Burgess, On the Muhammedan Architecture of Bharoch , Cambay,
Dholka, Champanir and Mahmudabad in Gujarat; London, 1896.

James Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture; 2nd
revised edition by James Burgess & Phene Spiers, 2 vols; London, 1910.

E. B. Havell, Indian Architecture : Its Psychology , Structure and History
From the First Muhammedan Invasion to the Present Day; London, 1913.
H. Cousens, The Architectural Antiquities of Western India; London,
1926; and A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture; Pelican, 1958.
John Marshall, “Monuments of Muslim India” in The Cambridge History
of India; Vol. Ill, London, 1928.

1

Twilight of Ancient India

1 : Political Condition

The Last Imperial Rulers of Ancient India

Harsha Vardhana 1 (606-47) was the last imperial ruler of
northern and Central India 2 in the ancient period. Kanauj
(Kanyakubja), situated in the heart of the Gangetic valley, was his
capital. His nearest rival in the south was Pulakesin II (c.610-42),
the Chalukya ruler of Maharashtra. He wielded matching imperial
power over the territories lying to the south of Narbada. Both of
them’ could not, even collectively, claim paramountcy over the
whole of the Indian subcontinent. During their times, there
flourished about seventy regional rulers whose possessions were
either interlocked between the two imperial states or situated along
the periphery of their dominions. Some of them, of course,
acknowledged the supremacy of either of the two monarchs.

The Fading Glory of Imperial Kanauj

The exit of Harsha and Pulakesin II closed the era of ancient
Indian imperialism. There started a scramble for territorial posses-
sions among their ex-feudatories and other princes, leading to
further political disintegration of the country and the spread of
near anarchy.

1. Birth c. 590 A.D; son ofPrabhakar Vardhana, the king of Thanesar (in
modem Haryana). Harsha did not leave behind an heir to the throne,
which was usurped by his minister; it signalled immediate disintegration of
his empire.

2. His empire extended from the Sutlej to the delta of the Brahmaputra in
the east, to Gujarat and ICutch in the west, while the river Narbada formed
its boundary in the south.

30

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Abortive attempts were made by a number of individuals,
backed by their respective clans and communities to revive the
imperial traditions at Kanauj or elsewhere. On the ruins of
Harsha s empire, one Yasovarman, (c.700-70) attempted to reunite
northern India under one government with headquarters at Kanauj.
He was a contemporary of king Dahir of Sind. After the conquest
of Sind by the Arabs, Yasovarman and King Lalitaditya of Kashmir
(725-55) stemmed the tide of their advance in northern India. It
seems that, soon afterwards, the two princes fell out with each
other and Yasovarman was killed in a battle, by his adversary.

With the death of Yasovarman, there started a triangular con-
test for the occupation of Kanauj, the Rashtrakutas of Deccan,
the Gurjara-Pratiharas of Malwa and the Palas of Bengal being
the contestants. Ultimately, a Gurjara-Pratihara chief, Nagabhata
(725-40) conquered Kanauj and laid the foundation of the imperial
dynasty of his clan. His successors revived the imperial glory of
Kanauj to a limited extent. Rajyapala, the last ruler of this
dynasty succumbed before Mahmud of Ghazni (1018-19) and was
put to death by the princes of Gwalior and Kalinjar for having
shown cowardice in acknowledging the overlordship of the
invader 3

Absence of Central Authority

Apart from the tottering kingdom of Kanauj, India was
parcelled out into over one hundred regional kingdoms and petty
principalities in the beginning of the eleventh century. Most of
the princes and the ruling elite styled themselves ‘Rajputs’. The
dawn of the century thus lands us in the so-called ‘Rajput period
(647-1200) of Indian history. The states were usually identified
with their ruling clans, tribes or communities. Beyond the ‘home-
lands’ (used here in a very narrow and parochial sense) of such
clans, the frontiers of these states were fluid and their territorial
possessions underwent violent fluctuations under stress of con-
tinuous fratricidal wars. The frequent changes in the ruling dyna-
sties or princes within the same ruling house, were not conducive
to the development of a feeling of loyalty or emotional attachment
towards them especially among the large mass of their subjects.

In the face of territorial claims and counter-claims of the rival
chieftains, ‘might’ became the ‘supreme right’ and the ‘dispute as
to what was right was decided ‘by the arbitrament of war. A
petty principality, on having got an ambitious and capable prince,
would throw off the overlordship of its mighty neighbour and, m
turn, claim some sort of dominance over the weaker and saaall( 'J
states. Such claims of paramountcy were seldom well-defined ana
usually not pushed beyond tolerable limits. The weaker states,
therefore, did not always dispute or offer much resistance to tnc

3. For details, refer to R. S. Tripathi, History of Kanauj : to the Moslem
Conquest; Motilal Bannrsidas, 1964, pp 281-87.

TWILIGHT OF ANCIENT INDIA

31

vague imperial claims of their powerful neighbours. The whole
process had a demoralising effect on all the rulers, big or small.
There was no military power in the country strong enough to keep
the warring princes in check and coordinate their activities against
foreign aggression.

A brief description of these regional states and their prominent
rulers on the eve of the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni may be
given.

(a) Northwestern India

Afghanistan and Punjab : Modern Afghanistan 4 was a part of
ancient India; the Afghans belonged to the pale of Indo-Aryan
civilisation. 5 6 In the eighth century, the country was known by two
regional names — Kabul and Zabul. The , northern part, called
Kabul (or Kabul istan) was governed by a Buddhist dynasty. Its
capital and the river on the banks of which it was situated, also
bore the same name. Lalliya 0 , a Brahmin minister of the last
Buddhist ruler Lagaturman, deposed his master and laid the
foundation of the Hindushahi dynasty 7 in c.865. Zabul (or
Zabulistan), the southern reign of modern Afghanistan, was then
ruled by the Rajputs 8 of.the Bhatti clan, probably.

The word ‘Afghan’ is Persian in origin; it means ‘to cry’. The
term originated, according to Akhund Derveza, a learned Afghan
saint of Akbar’s reign, in the first battle (986-87) of Sabuktagin
with Jaipal, The Hindushahi ruler of Kabul. When the encounter
took place, the Hindu soldiers raised such a loud noise that they
non-plussed the army of Sabuktagin and gained the appellation of
‘Afghan’ from the latter. It is said that besides warfare, even

4. Ancient name — Asvakayana tSanskrt), Assakcnoi (Greek).

5. The legend about the Jewish origin of the Afghans has been rejected by
the modem historians. G.P. Tate has to say the following on this subject :

“Afghanistan has been the ante-chamber of India for countries of times
beginning with ages of which no knowledge exists. Through this
country have passed those successive immigrations of nations which
have spread over the plains of the Punjab and upper India, from which

the present-day population of those tracts has descended It is

reasonable to suppose that some part of the immigrating nations must
have remained in Afghanistan, and that from them are descended the
semi-pastoral tribes who call themselves Afghans.”

The Kingdom of Afghanistan : A Historical Sketch; Delhi reprint 1973,
pp 12-13.

6. Referred as such by Kalhana — M. A. Stein (ed.), Rajatarangini; II, Note J
— “The Sahi of Udabhanda,” p 336; and Kalla in E. C. Sachau, Alberuni's
India, Deljii reprint 1964, II, pp 10.

7. Variously described as Hindu Shahiya by Alberuni, Shahi by Kalhana and
Sahi in the inscriptions. Regarding the foundation of the Hindushahi
dynasty, see Alberuni's India (Sachau), II, pp 10-13; also, Yogendra
Mishra, The Hindu Shahis of Afghanistan and the Punjab; Patna, 1972.

8. Mentioned as Rahbuts by the contemporary Muslim historians; probably
a misreading of the term Rajputs in Persian. After their ouster by the
Arabs, the Bhattis migrated to the Indus valley and western Punjab.

advanced study in the history of MEDIEVAL INDIA

otherwise, the same rehearsal of fierce and piercing shrieks in
chorus was made by the Hindu soldiers of Kabul amid singing and
dancing in feasts.® The term ‘Afghan’ finds mention for the first
tune in the chronicles of the eleventh century when the entire valley
of Kabul had passed under the rule of the dynasty founded by
Sabuktagin.

The Muslim arms penetrated into Afghanistan under the Arab
leader Yaqub ibn Lais. 10 the founder of Saffarid dynasty. He
conquered Siestan, Herat and Zabulistan during 867-70. The fort
of Kabul was wrested by him from Lalliya in 870-71, though the
main valley of Kabul was held firmly under their control by the
Hindushahis. Yakub is said to have laid the foundation of Ghazni
by building a fort there. Alptagin was the first Turkish general
who conquered Ghazni from the last Arab chief Abu Bakr Lawik
in c.962.

The boundaries of the Hindushahi kingdom stretched from the
river Chenab in the Punjab to the Hindukush. Its rulers acted as
a bulwark against the Arab and Turkish onslaught on their western
borders for a long time. Under constant pressure from the Muslim
invaders, they were, however, compelled to remove their capital to
the east of the Khyber pass at Udabhandapur or Waihand 11 on the
western bank of the Indus near Attock on the ancient highway
from Peshawar to Lahore in about 995. Jaipal, the king of
Waihand, was a contemporary of Sabuktagin and his son Mahmud,
the Turkish rulers of Ghazni. Jaipal and his family bore the brunt
of Turkish invasions from 97 to 1021.

Sind and Multan : The lower Indus valley, to the south of
Multan and including Sind and Mekran, comprised an independent
kingdom during the times of Harsha. It was ruled by a stidra
dynasty. Its ruler Sahiras, a contemporary of Harsha, was killed
by the Persian invaders. His son and successor Rai Sahasi II had
a Brahmin minister, called Chach. On the death of his master,
Chach usurped the throne and married the widowed queen. The
majority of his subjects were Jats by race and Buddhist by faith.
The new ruling dynasty was, therefore, ‘alien’ both in race and
religion. Its rule was oppressive and hence unpopular. Dahir, a
son of Chach, ascended the throne in c. 708. He faced the Ara
invasion of Sind in 711-12 and perished with family in the
struggle. 12

9.

10 .

ll.

12 .

Mohammad Hosain Khan. A Few Phases of The Afghans in Jullundur
Basties; Julluder, 1937, p 10.

Originally a brazier by profession.

Udabhanda or Udabhandapur literally meant ‘he town of wa erpms,
(mod. village Und.), also written as Hund. Uhand. Ohind. Wamano.
Waihind by the various Muslim chroniclers. The town was mentioneo /
Alberuni as the capital of Gandhara. the ancient name for the northwcsicn.
part of India. — Alberuni's India (Sachau); I, p 259; also /? & D, II, P j.
For the Arab conquest of Sind and Multan, and its effects, sec section i
this chapter.

TWILIGHT OF ANCIENT INDIA

33

Kashmir : The Himalayan valley of Kashmir constituted a
part of Maury an and Kushana empires. During Harsha’s reign, it
was ruled by Karkota dynasty (c. 627-855), founded by Durlabha
Vardhana, a Kashmiri Brahmin. The kingdom underwent a few
dynastic changes but all through it remained under the control of
Brahmins till the fourteenth century. Being surrounded by huge
mountains and isolated from the plains, it did not play any signifi-
cant role in the country’s politics. On the eve of Mahmud’s
invasions, it was ruled by an ambitious lady. Queen Didda. 13 On
her death in 1003, her brother Sangramraja, son of king Udyaraja
of Lohara (Lohkot, mod. Lohrin, in the territory of Poonch), laid
the foundation of a new dynasty, known after Lohara. It produced
a number of powerful and capable rulers who foiled all attempts
of the Muslim invaders to establish their foothold in the valley
during the next three centuries.

Thanesar : Most probably, Thanesar, constituted an inde-
pendent principality in the beginning of the eleventh century.
Having been the ancestral estate of Harsha Vardhana, it might
have retained its separate identity long after his fall. Firishta’s
statement that Thanesar was included in the kingdom of Delhi is
wrong; Delhi had not yet come into prominence in the first quarter
of the eleventh century. Alberuni has mentioned Thanesar but
not Delhi in his geographical chapter of Tarikhul Hind.

(b) Eastern India

■Bengal: It constituted the hub of Mauryan and Gupta
empires but fell out of the imperial fold on the decline of the latter.
It saw a brief rise and fall of two regional kingdoms — that of Gaud
in the northwest, and Venga in the central and eastern parts. In
the ninth century, Gopal laid the foundation of the Pala dynasty in
Bengal. 11 Its rulers extended their control over the whole of
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. Under the weak successors of Devapala
(833-78), the kingdom declined but its fortunes were restored to
some extent by Mahipala I (988-1038). When Mahmud was
trampling northern India under his feet, Bengal was invaded by
Rajendra Chola, the Tamil ruler of the south. The political and
military condition of Bengal was deplorable but it escaped destruc-
tion at the hands of Mahmud because of its long distance from the
northwest frontier.

13. Daughter of Khasa Simharaja, the king of Lohara; was married to Kshem-

gupta, the ruler of Kashmir (950-58). His son and successor Abhimanyu
died in 972, leaving behind three minor sons. The queen dowager,
Didda, placed them on the throne one by one between 958-80, acted as
their regent but got them murdered and assumed the royal power into her
own hands. She ruled from 980 to 1003 . — History and _ Culture of the
Indian People; Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan’s Series (abbreviated hereafter
BVB), IV, pp 119-20. ,

14. For details refer to R.D. Banerji, The Palas of Bengal; Varanasi, 1973.

34

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Assam : The Brahmaputra valley in Aisam, known as Kamrup
(Kamarupa) in ancient times, had been under the control of a
Brahmin family since ages. Its rulers had been the feudatories of
imperial Guptas. King Bhaskarvarman of Kamrup was a vassal
of Harsha Vardhana. After the latter’s death, Kamrup secured
independence under its hereditary chieftains. In the beginning of
the eleventh century, Brahmapala ruled Kamrup with his capital at
Durjaya (mod. Gauhati). He and his successors safeguarded their
independence against the repeated attacks of Yadavas of eastern
Bengal and other adversaries.

Apart from Kamrup, another regional kingdom was in exis-
tence in the lower valley of Brahmaputra in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries. Its capital was Srihatta or modem Sylhet. 15

Nepal : The valley of Nepal constituted a part of the Mauryan
and Gupta empires. After the disintegration of the Gupta empire,
it got its local rulers in the fifth century. A Rajput chief,
Raghudeva established his rule in Nepal and laid the foundation of
Thakuri dynasty in 879 and commemorated the event by starting a
Nepali era. 10 One of his successors, Gunakamdeva (94 9-94), is
said to have founded a new town named Kantipur (mod. Kath-
mandu) at the confluence of the Bagmati and the Vishnumati
rivers. He was succeeded by Bhojdeva (994-1023). 17 Because of
its isolation from the plams, it remained aloof from the political
upheavals of the country over the centuries.

(c) Central and Western India

The four clans of Agnikula Rajputs — Pratihars, Parmars,
Chalukyas and Chauhans occupied a premier position among the
ruling chiefs of central and western India. They were foreign
immigrants who became Indianised and were included in the xoJd
of Hinduism.

The Pratihars belonged to the Gurjara tribes. It is said that
one of their ancestors had once served the Rashtrakutas (753-9/4/
as a doorkeeper ( pratihara ). They set up a couple of independe
principalities in Rajputana and Mahva and, ultimately, came
acquire Kanauj as well.

The Parmars were feudatories of The Gurjara-Pratiharas at one
time. They set up an independent kingdom at Dhar (Ujjam). c
Parmar ruler Bhoja 18 was famous for his military prowess,

15 .

16 .

17.

18 .

It saw the reign of about half a dozen independent rulers. h
by Sikander Khan Ghazi in 1303, during the period of Sultan Firoz

Netra B? Thapa, A.Short History of Nepal; Kathmandu, 1973, p 37.

For’ details, refer to K.C. Jain, Malwa Through The Ages (from the earliest
times to 1305 AD); Motilal Banarsidas, 1972.

TWILIGHT OF ANCIENT INDIA

35

scholarship and patronage of art and literature. He was known to
the Muslim chroniclers as Parmardeo, ‘one of the greatest kings of
Hindustan.’ When he heard of Mahmud’s invasion of Somnath
(1025-26) he marched out of his capital with a huge force to inter-
cept the invader. Mahmud also got wind of it and rushed back
to Ghazni along the extreme western route to avoid clash with the
Rajput forces.

The Chalukya Rajputs had provided two major dynasties to
south India since the sixth century — the Early Chalukyas of Vatapi
(c. 550-753) and the Later Chalukyas of Kalyani (founded, 973
a.d.). Yet another Chalukya chief, Mulraja (960-95) set up as an
independent ruler at Anhilwara ( Anahilapataka ). He entered into
an ugly conflict with the Parmars of Malwa' which proved harmful
to both in the long run. Durlabhraja Chalukya (1000-21) was a
contemporary of Mahmud of Ghazni. On his death, his nephew
Bhimdeo ascended the throne of Anhilwara. When Mahmud
invaded Somnath, he fled the capital and took shelter in a fortress
in the Rann of Kutch.

A Chauhan ( Chahamana ) chief Samanta, founded the kingdom
of Sambhar, 19 around modem Ajmer, in the eighth century. He
became famous by offering strong resistance to the Arab invaders
from Sind (c. 750).‘-° In the beginning of the eleventh century, the
town of Ajmer had not yet been founded 21 nor Delhi shot into
prominence as a political entity. Like the Hindushahis of north-
western India, the Chauhans of Sambhar (later Ajmer) stood forth
as a bulwark against the penetration of Muslims into the heart of
India and maintained the struggle ‘with great vigour and obstinacy.’

Sambhar was ruled by Govindraja II, nicknamed Gandu, son
of Durlabharaja, at the dawn of the eleventh century. 22 He and
his successor Vakpati II (c. 1003-33) were contemporaries of
Mahmud of Ghazni but do not seem to have come into direct clash
with the latter.- 3

_ Some Rajput clans were direct descendants of ancient Ksha-
triyas or aboriginal Indian tribes.

The Chandel principality of Jaijakbhukti (mod. Bundelkhand)
as founded by Nanak, a scion of the Gonds, in the ninth century.
“ e was a feudatory of the Gurjara-Pratiharas of Kanauj; his

2 o' Sapnda-laksha territory (of one and a quarter lakh villages).

• samanta was the earliest known ancestor of Prithviraja Chauhan (III) of
I^lhi who fell fighting Muhammad Ghori towards the close of
the twelfth century.

Ajayadeya, successors of Samanta, built a fort and a town at the present
te ot Ajmer in c. 1093 and shifted his capital there from Sambhar. The
,, p D l3c D e was named Ajayameru.

w F ? )V >P ?!•

d ' d ., not reach Sambhar, the then Chauhan capital, during his
Piunaermg raids. It is, however, probable that they had supplied troops to
me i-iindusharu rulers to fight the Turks on two different occasions.

36

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

successors became independent in the first half of the tenth century
His son and successor Yasovarman, bom of his Chauhan queen,
captured Kalinjar. Yasovarman was succeeded by Dhangaraja on
the throne of Kalinjar; he sent a contingent to Peshawar to support
Jaipal against Sabuktagin (1000-01). He spent a lot of money to
get two Shiva temples constructed at Khajuraho. His son and
successor Gandaraja (1018-22) and the latter’s eldest son
Vidyadhara fought Mahmud of Ghazni.

Arjuna, the Kachchapaghata (later Kachhwaha) chief of
Gwalior, was a feudatory of the Chandels of Kalinjar. He also
fought against Mahmud of Ghazni in 1022-23.

The Kalachuris of Dahala or Chedi (Madhya Pradesh) were
pure Kshatriyas. They belonged to the lunai race, and were
orthodox Hindus. Subsequently, they established their capital at
Tripura (or Tripuri) near Jubbulpore. 24 It was ruled by Gangeya
in the beginning of the eleventh century. He expanded his
kingdom at the cost of the Gurjara-Pratihara neighbours. Banaras
was included in the Kalachuri dominions. The Turkish invaders
under Mahmud did not reach Gangeya ’s territories.

The Guhilot or Guhila Rajput chief Bappa Rawal had set up
a small kingdom in Mewar. Its ranas did not attempt to expand
their dominions at the cost of their neighbours but, at the same
time, zealously safeguarded their own independence. The kingdom
of Mewar was neither very powerful nor rich but its rulers played
a glorious role in the medieval Indian history as patriots, the
defenders of their independence and self-respect.

(d) Southern India

Pulakesin II (c. 610-42), the imperial ruler of the Deccan, 2
belonged to the Early Chalukya or Solanki dynasty of Vatapi
(mod. Badami, near Bijapur). It had risen into prominence about
the middle of the sixth century. The Chalukyas constituted a part
of the Gurjara immigrants from central Asia who were Indianisea,
and became famous as one of the four Agnikula Rajput dans.
The dynasty was founded by Jayasimha. His successors expande
their possessions into a mighty empire. Incidentally, PuIaKes
II, the contemporary of Harsha Vardhana in the north, also pro
to be the last imperial ruler of his dynasty. He was defeated an

killed at the hands of Narasimha, the Pallava ruler of Kancn.

PulakeslS’s successors, however, continued to rule for anotn
century, when they were liquidated and supplanted by
Rashtrakutas.

24. Tripura or Tiwan Brahmins belong to this clan. . , oar t

25. Dakshinpatha or the Deccan was the name given to the (northern mwtp
of south Ihdian peninsula; it comprised the land between e
mountains and the Tungbhadra river.

WILIGHT OF ANCIENT INDIA

37

The Rashtrakutas were once the feudatories of the Early
Chalukyas. Their chief Dandivarman defeated his suzerain
Kirtivarman in 753 and laid the foundation of Rashtrakuta supre-
macy in the Deccan. This dynasty produced a number of capable
rulers. The last Rashtrakuta king Kakka II was overthrown by
Tailapa (973 a.d.), the founder of the new Chalukya dynasty,
known to history as the Later Chalukyas. Their capita Iwas
Kalyani in modern Andhra Pradesh. Tailapa fought successful
wars against the Chalukyas of Anhilwara, the Parmars of Malwa,
the Kalachuris of Chedi and the Cholas in the south; he ruled upto
1017 A.D.

The Cholas constituted the second greatest kingdom in the
south at the dawn of the eleventh century. 26 They became promi-
nent towards the close of the ninth century. Originally, the three
Tamil states of the far-south — the Cholas, the Cheras and the
Pandyas, belonged to the pre-Christian era. They maintained
their separate entities even during the days of the Mauryan
imperialism. Later on, they came to be dominated by the Andhras
and then by the Pallavas. Towards the close of the ninth century,
the Cholas established their hegemony over the Pallavas. Rairaja I
(985-1012) laid the foundation of the imperial Chola empire by
his extensive conquests. His empire included Kalinga (mod.
Orissa) in the north and Ceylon in the south. Tanjore was his
capital. His son and successor Rajincfra Chola I (c. 1012-42) con-
solidated the empire carved out by his father and further expanded
it. He was the greatest Indian ruler of his times. While the
Turks under Mahmud of Ghazni were defeating and humiliating
the mighty Hindu rulers of northern India, a bitter struggle was
going on between the Later Chalukyas and the Cholas for the
domination of the south. They seemed to have been least bothered
about the happenings in the north.

2 : Arab Conquest of Sind and Multan

The Arabs had been the ‘carriers of Indian trade’ with Europe
for centuries. After conversion to Islam, they cast their covetous
eyes on the rich seaports of western India and made a number of
abortive attempts to establish their foothold there. In the begin-
ning of the eighth century, Al-Hajjaj, the Arab governor^ of Iraq,
sent two expeditions against Sind at the bidding of his master

26. For detailed account, refer to R.G. Bhandarkar, Early Hist ory of the
Dekkan — Down to the Mahomedan Conquest (reproduced fr om the Bombay
Gazetteer); Susil Gupta, Calcutta, 1957; and M.N. Venkata Ramanappa
'Outlines of South Indian History; Vikas, 2nd ed; 1976.

38

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Walid I, the Umayyid Caliph of Damascus. Both the attacks were
beaten back and their Arab commanders killed by Dahir. Enraged
at the repeated failures, Hajjaj despatched his youthful nephew and
son-in-law lmaduddin Muhammad bin Qasim at the head of a
huge army. Passing through Mekran (mod. Baluchistan) which
had been conquered by the Arabs earlier, Qasim struck at
Debal, the premier seaport of Sind. Dahir possessed a strong and
well-equipped army but did not make any effort to protect the
harbour; instead, he entrenched himself near his capital Rawar on
the western bank of the Indus in the heart of Sind. The besieged
garrison of Debal, outnumbered by the invaders, capitulated after
some resistance; the Arab victory was followed by general
massacre of the people and plunder of the town. Nerun and
Sehwan, the strongholds of the Buddhist population were captured
without a fight.

Once face to face with the invaders, Dahir gave a heroic fight
and laid down his life along with thousands of his soldiers after
two days of a bloody battle. His widow Ranibai refused to
surrender the fort of Rawar and fought the invaders to the bitter
end; having exhausted all her resources in men and material, she
tasted death by performing Jauhar along with numerous other
besieged ladies. Qasim took about eight months to acquire
control over Sind because his army met with tough resistance by
the local populace of many other towns, including Brahmanabad
and Alor.

Multan with the adjoining southwestern region of the Punjab
was also conquered by the Arabs in 713. While at the height of
his youthful career, Qasim was recalled by the Caliph, charged of
moral turpitude 27 and put to death in 715-16.

The conquest of Sind and Multan boosted the morale of the
Arabs in the Muslim world for a while though it proved to be ‘a
mere episode in the history of India’ 28 it affected only a ‘fringe’ of
the vast country. All the subsequent attempts of the Arab chiefs
to expand their possessions and penetrate into the heart of the
country were foiled by the Indian princes. The Arabs were ‘not
destined to raise Islam to be a political force in India.’ 29 Soon

27. Parmal Devi and Suraj Devi, the two daughters of the deceased raja : Dahir,
were taken captives and sent to Baghdad for introduction into the Caliph s
harem. They falsely charged that Qasim had kept them with him for threo
days and dishonoured them before they were sent to the Caliph, it
enraged the Caliph who inflicted death punishment on Qasim. Later, the
princesses told the truth and invited death for themselves; they were tied to
the tails of horses and dragged until they were dead. They thus wreaked
their vengeance on Qasim who had killed their father and ruined their
state, and saved their honour by sacrificing their lives all the same.

28. Wolseley Haig, CHI, m, p 10.

29. A. B. M. Habibbulah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India; Allahaba ,
2nd ed; 1961, p2.

TWILIGHT OF ANCIENT INDIA

39

after this victory, the Umayyids themselves were knocked out of
the international scene by the Abbasids in 750-5 1 who set up a
new Caliphate with their headquarters at Baghdad. Their hold
over the Indian possessions was very weak; by 871, the Arab
governors of Mansurah (Sind proper) and Multan became virtually
independent of the Caliphate. The discomfiture of the Arabs
vindicates the fact that the Indian political structure was not yet
so degenerate and hollow from within as it was found to be in the
face of the Ghaznavid invasions.

The Arab conquest of Sind was, however, of great significance
from the cultural point of view. The Arabs were deeply influenced
by Indian culture and civilisation; they were fascinated by the
wisdom, administrative acumen and high moral character of the
vanquished. Hindus and Buddhists were granted the status of
zimtnis, the protection of whose life and property was undertaken
by the ‘Islamic state’ in return for the receipt of jizya from them.
They were given freedom to ‘live in their houses in whatever
manner they liked’ and ‘worship their gods’. They began to be
associated with the administration of the land, thus leading to the
establishment of cordial relations between the rulers and the ruled.
It set the stage for the ultimate cultural victory of the Indians over
their new masters. The Brahmin scholars and Buddhist sages
began to educate the Arab ruling elite and their wards in Indian
languages and literature, philosophy, astronomy, mathematics,
medicine and other sciences. It led to the dissemination of Indian
sciences and cultural values to the foreign lands. The Indian
numerals, called Hindse (e.g; from India) were learnt by them
from here and transmitted to Europe. Indian books were translat-
ed into Arabic and carried to the Islamic countries for propaga-
tion of knowledge. Amir Khusrau mentions that an Arabic
astronomer Abu Ma’ashar went all the way to Banaras and studied
Sanskrit language and astronomy there foi over a decade. When
the Arabs had conquered Sind, ‘they were no champions of a new
culture or civilisation’, but, no wonder, they did become the
cultural ambassadors of India to the Islamic world and Europe.
Their religious fanaticism was also diluted by the friendly social
conduct and liberal religious outlook of the Indians. The Arab
settlers of Sind and Multan were thoroughly Tndianised. They
employed Indian architects and adopted Indian architectural
concepts wholesale in the matter of construction of their
residences, public buildings and the magnificent mosques. They
adopted and patronised Indian music and other fine arts.

The Arab settlements in Sind and Multan made Islam a part and
parcel of the Indian religious life, though confined to a part of the
country only, to begin with. Within the conquered territories,
many Indians embraced Islam voluntarily; its peaceful propagation
was carried on by the Muslim saints and the ulama in other parts
of India too. The Arabs made a settlement in the Malabar,

4 0 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY Of MEDIEVAL INDIA

converted a local chieftain and established a. foothold for Islam
there long before the armies of Alauddin Khalji penetrated into the
Deccan.

The conciliatory attitude of the Arabs enabled them to win the
confidence of the conquered populace who were quickly reconciled
to the fait accompli. Until liquidated by the Turks, the small
Muslim states of Mansurah and Multan enjoyed three centuries of
peaceful existence, in the neighbourhood of mighty Rajput king-
doms, primarily because of the support extended to them by their
Indian subjects. For the latter, the Arabs were not the mlechhas
(i.e; the impure); whereas, three centuries later, Mahmud of
Ghazni and his Turkish marauders were universally condemned
as the mlechhas as per the testimony Of Alberuni, because of the
inhuman barbarities committed by them on the people.

3 ; Pre-Muslim Society

Absence of Creative Leadership

The Indian society, since the cfeath of Harsha to the Muslim
conquest of northern India, has often been styled the Rajput civili-
sation which is a misnomer. The Rajputs constituted but a
fraction of the Indian society. They preserved some excellent
socio-cultural traits of the past and contributed what may be called
the Rajput culture to the ancient Indian civilisation. As for the
latter, the period of renaissance and social rejuvenation witnessed
by it was long over with the decline of the Gupta empire. The
period that followed, marks a status quo in the social and cultural
development of the country. It presents the picture of a ‘regulatory
society’ whose socio-political leadership ceased to be creative in its
outlook and became lethargic in performance. The social virtues
attributed to the Rajputs were not universal; these were confined
mostly to the ruling elite and upper strata of the society. Had the
Rajput princes and the social leadership inspired respect and
confidence among the masses and the latter identified their interests
with those of the Rajput states, the Indian society would not have
collapsed like a house of cards in the face of foreign aggression.
It could have reorganised itself and thrown up even better leader-
ship to safeguard the national independence. As a matter of fact,
the Indians as a whole put up a very poor show at the time of
natioaal catastrophe and failed to act as a well-knit, self-dis-
ciplined and mature society because of its internal weaknesses
which had gradually sapped its vitality. In spite of its outward
magnificence and social stability, it had become hollow from
within.

TWILIGHT OF ANCIENT INDIA

41

Rajput Culture

The historians hold different views regarding the origin of the
Rajputs; one thing is however certain, that they were of mixed
origin. The Rajput clans usually claimed their descent from the
Kshatriyas; in some cases, their claim was valid; the Kshatriyas of
ancient times could not have disappeared from the Indian political
and social scene all at once or even gradually. Some of them
were, however, foreign immigrants, admitted into the fold of Hindu
society through formal conversion and purification, as for example,
the four clans of ‘Agnikula’ Rajputs — Parmars, Pratihars,
Chauhans and Chalukyas.

The Rajput society was feudal in its organisational set up. It
was split up into various clans, each under one or more here-
ditary ruling houses; over forty such clans, who acquired political
ascendancy during that period, have drawn the treatment of the
historians so far. All land was supposed to belong to the ruling
chief who parcelled it out among his lieutenants. The latter paid
a- fixed revenue or tribute and rendered military service to the king
in return for the lands granted to them. The village communities
were governed by their panchayats and enjoyed considerable
autonomy in their internal affairs. There was no written law of
the land; the Rajput states were run on local customs and tradi-
tions. The feudal administiative set up was usually not very
elaborate; in most cases, it was not efficient or stable either.

The Rajputs were known for their undaunted courage and
chivalry. They were honest, generous and hospitable and kept
their word. They were simple, outspoken and straightforward
people who rejected outright the Machiavellian principles of
deceit and treachery in war. They were sometimes generous to a
fault in their treatment of the vanquished foe. The Rajputs were
freedom-loving people with a keen sense of honour and self-
respect. They constituted, in fact, the ‘sword-arm of Hindustan’.
They' were great warriors who took to fighting as a sport and
smilingly laid down their lives for the honour of their family, clan
or the regional leader.

The Rajput women enjoyed considerable freedom and respect in
the society. They were known for their chastity and devotion to
their husbands. There was no purdah system among them. They
had some freedom in the selection of their husbands too;
swayamvar was in vogue among the princesses for this purpose.
The custom of sati was prevalent though not insisted upon. Some
of the Rajput ladies were educated and took active part in public
life. They did not lag behind their menfolk in bravery and
heroism. Many of them participated in warfare and fought the
enemy, shoulder to shoulder with their menfolk. In time of
danger, they displayed courage and fortitude which stands
unparalleled in the history of the world. When their warriors
were defeated or killed, the Rajput ladies sacrificed their lives by

42

advanged study in the history OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

burning themselves alive or committing suicides en-mass, in mani-
fold ways, in order to safeguard their honour and self-respect; it
was called the rite of jauhar. -

The excessively martial character of the Rajputs had its dark
side as well. Their love for personal freedom, vanity and inflated'
permit them to subordinate their interests or pay
obedience to their more capable leaders. They lacked political
foresight and displayed absence of an overall national conscious-
ness. Terms like ‘patriotism’, ‘motherland’ and the ‘state’ had
assumed narrow, parochial or regional connotations with them.
As a result, there were constant wars and clannish feuds among
them which hampered the growth of national unity and the
emergence of a strong national state in India. The various clans
went to war or their chiefs fought the duels simply to show off
their military prowess or muscle power respectively. They had
converted mutual warfare into a sort of sport in which valuable
resources in men and material were laid waste and military strength
neutralised. Because of these self-destructive and rather suicidal
tendencies, the Rajputs failed to take concerted action against the
Muslim invaders.

Social Organisation and Attitudes

, The Hindus had developed a very complex social structure by
the beginning of the eleventh century. They were a caste-ridden
society. The four traditional castes, the chatur varunas, originally
based on occupations, had become hereditary since the dawn of
the Christian era. These had multiplied like hydraheads into
numerous sub-castes and social groups, each standing in isolation
from the rest of the society. Toynbee refers to their caste system
as a ‘social enormity ’ 30 which had disrupted its social unity; its
various castes and sub-castes were divided into watertight compart-
ments; they did not inter-marry nor shared food with one another.
People belonging to the same caste or sub-caste hut living in
different parts of the country gradually developed different social
customs and manners, and, ultimately, stopped inter-marrying .or
dining together. Similarly, people belonging to the high castes
suffered from superiority complex; they looked down upon the
low-castes and exercised discrimination against them. The
multitudes of the Hindus, therefore, did not add to their social
strength because they stood like a house divided against itself.

30 This impact of religiosity upon the institution of caste in India

must have aggravated the banefulness of the institution very seriously.
Caste is always on the verge of being a social enormity; but when caste js
‘keyed up’ by receiving a religious interpretation and a religious sanction
in a society which is hag-ridden by religiosity, then the latent enormity ot
the institution is bound to rankle into a morbid social growth of poisonous
tissue and monstrous proportions.— Arnold J Toynbee, A Study of History;
12 vols; OUP, 4th impression 1948, IV, p 230.

TWILIGHT OF ANCIENT INDIA

43

The Brahmins maintained their superiority over all other castes
as ever before. The priestly class among them controlled the social
life of the people; the multifarious social ceremonies and rituals
through which a Hindu had to pass from his birth till death
(rather after his death too), had reduced him to the position of a
captive in the grip of the priests. The Brahmins claimed to be the
champions of the entire intellectual and spiritual heritage of the
land. They concentrated their attention on religion and spiritualism
and did not show much interest in scientific studies nor guided the
nation in the matter of industrial and technological advancement.
The ancient Kshatriyas had assumed the title of Rajputs while most
of the ancient Vaishyas had given up agriculture and taken to trade
and commerce. The Sudras continued to render menial services to
the higher castes though many of them had adopted agricultural
tenancy and artisans’ craft. The untouchables lived outside the
towns and the villages.

Most of the people were poor, backward and ignorant of
education and learning; they constituted the masses. Having been*
neglected by the higher castes since ages, they felt demoralised and
-dejected. They suffered from many social and economic disabilities
which made their lives miserable. When the ex-Buddhists reverted
back to the fold of Hinduism, they became the unprivileged masses
for whom separate sub-castes of the lower order came into being.
The upper classes made their caste structure more rigid so as to
prevent their entry into the higher social stratum. Even the
artisans’ professions came to be treated as separate sub-castes of
lower denominations, like the weavers, iron-smiths, oilmen. The
rigidity of the caste system made it difficult for an outsider to be
absorbed in the Hindu society whose growth came practically to a
standstill. The ruling elite and the orthodox Brahmins shut them-
selves into the ivory towers of caste-system and were cut off from
' the mainstream of the society or the masses. They failed to provide
political, social or true spiritual guidance to the latter. Accordingly,
the masses lost interest in the dynastic feuds or rise and fall of the
Rajput states. No wonder, more than half of the Hindu populace
stood forth as mere spectators when the Rajput rulers had to fight
a life and death struggle against the Turkish invaders. Their
social vision had become so narrow that they did not consider
themselves to be responsible for the defence of their own hearths
and homes.

As mentioned earlier, the ladies of the ruling elite, particularly
the Rajputs, enjoyed social freedom but this was not the case with
the common womenfolk; their condition was not satisfactory. They
were mostly confined to the four-walls of the houses and depended
a * st exclusively on their male earning members. The evils of
cmld marriage and infanticide were prevalent. Polygamy was
recognised though it was confined to the upper classes because of
economic considerations. Widow re-marriage was not encouraged

44

ADVANCED STUDY IN TrtE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

which made their lives miserable and added to the burden of the
society in general.

.The Hindus displayed conservatism and narrowmindedness in
their general outlook. Alberuni complains that they suffered from
some sort of superiority complex 31 with reference to their society
and culture. They shunned everything that was alien, dubbed all
foreigners as the mlechhas and observed total social boycott against
them ‘be it by inter-marriage or by sitting, eating and drinking with
them,’ because thereby they thought ‘they would be polluted .’ 31
There is substance in what he says about the Indian attitude. It
might have partly been born because of the barbarities perpetrated
by the Turkish holders of Mahmud of Ghazni on the unarmed and
innocent populace, plunder of their hearths and homes and desecra-
tion of their holy shrines. There is, however, no denying the fact
that, partly because of their long isolation from the outside world,
the Hindus suffered from ignorance about the developments in
foreign countries and hence failed to appreciate the virtues of other
“peoples. Owing to the peculiar restrictions of the caste system,
even foreign travel had become a taboo with them. Alberuni
suggests that ‘if they (the Hindus) travelled and mixed with other
nations, they would soon change their mind, for their ancestors
were not as narrowminded as the present generation is .’ 33 Obvious-
ly, the ancient Indian civilisation had lost its innate power of
absorption by which it assimilated the best in the various peoples
who came into contact with it in the earlier ages. Alberuni tells
us that the Hindus of the early eleventh century were not even
interested in setting their house in order. They never desired to
recover or purify a thing once ‘polluted’ by a foreign touch; they
were not allowed by their socio-political leaders ‘to receive anybody
who does not belong to them, even if he wished to, or was inclined
to their religion .’ 34 Evidently, it rendered any social connection
with them rather difficult; it created a gulf between them and the
Muslim invaders who deprived them of their independence.

Religious Beliefs and Practices

In the beginning of the eleventh century, Hinduism was the
predominant religion of the Indians, in one or the other ol its

31. “ .. folly is an illness for which there is no medicine, and the Hindus

believe that there is no country but theirs, no nation like theirs, no kings

like theirs no science like theirs. They are haughty, foolishly vain, self-
conceited 'and stolid. They are by nature niggardly in communicating ha
which they knew, and they take the greatest possible care to wiihold it

from men of another caste among their o up people, still much more, of

course, from any foreigners .’’ — Alberuni s India (Sachau), I, p 22.

32. ibid; p 17.

33. ibid; p 22.

34. Alberuni's India (Sachau), I p 20.

twilight of ancient indta

45

fofms. Islam was confined to the states of Sind and Multan; their
karmatia rulers had made coversions on a large scale through
peaceful means. The Muslims had established a foothold in
Malabar and some Arab merchants were settled in the Indian
seaports also though they did not constitute a separate entity as a
cultural group. There was a sprinkling of the Parsees along the
western coast who though ‘a people apart’ lived in perfect harmony
with their Hindu neighbours. Buddhism was at a discount with
the, Rajputs; the Buddhist masses in northern and central India
were gradually being assimilated within the fold of the Hindu
society. However, the population of Bihar and Bengal was found to
be predominantly Buddhist even -in the beginning of the thirteenth
century when the Turks penetrated therein. The Rajputs were
devout Hindus; they worshipped various mythical gods and god-
desses, particularly, Vishnu, Siva and Durga or Sakti. The cult of
Bhakti born in the south in the eighth century, had. made its
appearance in the noith but it had not yet shown tangible results
in curing the socio-religious ills of the country.

The religious beliefs and practices of the Hindus and the
Buddhists showed a marked degeneration. The priestly class among
the Brahmins exploited the people in the name of religion;
devadasi system in the temples was fraught with manifold social
evils. The tantric philosophy of mysticism which had found its
entry in Hindu and Buddhist theology as far back as the sixth
century, had started showing its ugly results. It encouraged all
sorts of superstitions and blind practices through which the crooks,
in the garb of spiritual guides, robbed the poor and ignorant
masses. The exponents of vcmvnarga dharma indulged in ‘wine
flesh and women.’ The vicious ideas of this cult had permeated
the educational institutions too; the sanyasis and bhikshus were not
free from it either. The so called great scholars exhibited a low
taste in their literary compositions; they produced obscure literature
on prostitutes and pimps which, instead of generating the reforma-
tive forces, justified and encouraged evil practices among the
educated. Guhya samaja, regarded as an important work on the
Buddhist tantrics, refers to Mahatma Buddha as ‘indulging in acts
of debauchery with the angels.’ Indian art and architecture was
also adversely affected by the religious and moral degeneration of
the socio-political leadership.

Indian Economy

On the eve of the Turkish invasions, India was known to be a
rich country among its neighbours. Gold, silver and the precious
stones accumulated in the Hindu temples and the treasuries of the
Rajput princes tempted Mahmud of Ghazni, more' than anything
else, to launch incessant expeditions to this country. The Indian
economy, so far as its agricultural and mineral wealth was con-
cerned, was quite sound; there was general economic prosperity.
Agriculture, which constituted the backbone of the national

46 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

economy, was fairly developed and the land produced enough and to
spare. The ruling elite were rich and affluent; the merchant princes
C saudagars ) rolled in wealth. We have, however, reasons to believe
that there existed great disparity of wealth between the upper classes
and the masses, but it was not something unusual about the Indian
society. The villagers who constituted the bulk of the nation,
lived simple and frugal lives; their standard of living was very
low. We cannot say with certainty if they were better off or worse
than what they are today. Bonded labour was prevalent among
the agriculturist classes and slavery was practised by the urban
Hindus, though on a domestic level; these practices bore no com-
parison with the elaborate system of slavery brought by the Muslim
invaders to India.

*

Trade and commerce was well-developed but the currency
circulation was minimal because of very low prices. The use of
gold and silver was confined to the commercial transactions at the
higher level; the masses traded commodities through barter system
or its near equivalent.

On the whole, India presented the case of a rich country with
poor masses and still poorer defence. Its fabulous wealth, weak
political structure and ‘petrified society’ extended an open invitation
to the Turks to lay their hands on its poorly defended treasures.
It would not be an exaggeration to say that Mahmud of Ghazni
came, he saw and he plundered.

2

Ghaznavid fnroads

Kingdom of Ghazni

Sabuktagin and his son Mahmud of Ghazni, 1 the Turkish
invaders from the northwest, ‘paved the way’ for the ultimate
conquest of India by Muslims. The kingdom of Ghazni was
founded (c.962 a.d.) by Alptagin, 2 once a slave of the Samanid 3
amirs 4 of Bukhara. Sabuktagin was, in turn, a slave officer 6 of
Alptagin. He ascended the throne in 977 and laid the foundation

1. Arabic Ghazna; Persian Ghaznin.

2. AlpTiagin, a Turkish slave of the Samanid ruler Abdul Malik (954-61);
was governor of Khurasan. On the death of his patron, there ensued a con-
test for the throne between two rival claimants. Alptagin, having backed the
wrong horse, was relieved of governorship. An ambitious adventurer, he
left Khurasan with a handful of his followers and established himself at
Ghazni by dislodging its Arab chieftain Abu Bakr Lawik.

Abu Bakr Lawik took refuge with the Hindushahis of Kabul. — Muham-
mad Nazim, The Life and Times of Snhan Mahmud of Ghazna ; Cambridge,
1931, p 25, fn 5.

3. They claimed descent from Saman, a converted Persian noble from Balkh
(previously, a Zoroastrian by faith) who enjoyed the patronage of the Abb-
asid Caliph Mamun (808-30). An independent Samanid principality came
into being at Khurasan in 903; was gradually transformed into an empire
which included the whole of Transoxiana; Bukhara was its capital. Though
vassals of the Abbasids, the Samanids were virtually independent rulers.
Their power declined towards the close of the tenth century when Bukhara
fell into the hands of the I-Lak Khans of Turkistan (990 A.D .); they were
finally liquidated by their rivals with the turn of the century. — JR AS,
Bengal, XV, Part I.

4. The Samanids were styled amirs ; the same title was taken up later by
their Turkish slave officers. Sabuktagin was called the Amir of Ghazni —
the Indianised form of the title was ‘Hamir’

5. A slave of Alptagin; rose to be a general. After Alptagin’s death (969 A-D.j,
his son and successor Abu Ishaq expired within a year and was succeeded
by three Turkish slave generals of Alptagin — Bilkatagin (969-77), Piretagin
or Piray (977 A.D.) who turned out to be a ‘villain’ and was deposed by the
nobles in favour of Sabuktagin.

4° ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

of Yamini 6 or Ghaznavid dynasty. He was a great warrior. He
extended his rule over the major part of Afghanistan and some
Persian territories during the reign of twenty years. He also won
the friendship of the Samanid ruler 7 by helping him in the
suppression of a revolt in Khurasan (c. 994 a.d.). He secured for
Mahmud the governorship of Khurasan from his patron. 8

Jaipal’s Encounter with Sabuktagin

Jaipal, the Hindushahi ruler of Kabul and the Punjab (960-
1002), felt alarmed over the growing power of the neighbouring
Turkish state. He was ever perturbed over raids by the Muslim
hordes into Lamghan 9 which constituted the border area between
their kingdoms. He launched a major attack on Ghazni in 986-
87. 10 Unluckily, his army was caught in a sudden hailstorm and
heavy rainfall. Hard pressed, he sued for peace on humiliating
terms. 11 He is said to have repudiated the agreement on return
to his own dominions. Sabuktagin, thereupon, retaliated by
carrying a plundering raid into Lamghan. Jaipal called for help
from some Indian princes and marched on Ghazni with 'a hundred
thousand’ 12 troops; they included contingents from the kings of
Ajmer, Kalinjar and Kanauj. 13 He was again defeated and taken
prisoner. He secured his release by surrendering a big slice of
his dominions, including Lamghan and the northwest frontier upto

6. Sabuktagin claimed descent from Yazd-i-Jurd-i-Shahryar, the last emperor
of Persia. He was assassinated during the Caliphate of Usman; his family
fled to Turkistan and, after a couple of generations, were intermingled with
the local inhabitants of the country.

7. Nuh IT, the son of Mansur; in recognition of the service, he conferred the
title of Nasiruddin wa'd-Daulah on Sabuktagin and that of Saifuddaulah on
Mahmud who had also commanded a regiment in the enterprise. .

8. With' his headquarters at Nishapur, Mahmud protected the territories from
falling into the hands of the old rebel Abu Ali Sunjur, who was still hover-
ing around.

9. It comprised the valleys of Jalalabad and Kabul. Piretagin had launched
the first organised attack on the Afghan territories of the Hindushahi king-
dom in 977.

Firishta states that during the very first year of his reign, Sabuktagin plun-
dered the Kabul valley and returned to Ghazni with a huge booty. (Briggs,
I, p 9). Such attacks were carried on without any provocation or expres-
sion of hostility by Jaipal. — S> R. Sharma, The Crescent in India : A Study in
Medieval History , 3rd edition, Bombay, 1966, p 46.

10. Sabuktagin met his army near a hill called Ghuzak between Ghazni and
Lamghan. — Utbi, Tarikh i Yamini: E&.D, II, pp 19-20.

It. Mahmud, then hardly fifteen, participated in the battle; he urged his father
to carry on the struggle till the attainment of complete victory — ibid: p ZI .

12. ibid: p 23.

13. Firishta (Briggs), I, p II.

GHAZNAVID INROADS

49

the banks of the Indus. 14 He prepared the pathways and construc-
ted roads on his eastern frontier leading to the Sulaiman ranges
and the Khyber pass. These were used later by Mahmud for the
march of armies in his Indian expeditions. 16

The Myth of Undefended Frontier

The encounter of the Hindushahis with Sabuktagin had far-
reaching effects on the subsequent history of India. The former
stood forth as a bulwark against the onslaught of Turkish invaders
from the northwest; the Khyber pass, frequently referred to as
the ‘gateway of India’, was well within their control. Because of
its strategic importance,- it must have been protected by them to
the best of their capacity. Jaipal was fully confident of the
military prowess and defen ces.oT his kingdom; that is why he took
the initiative and -Slja^rfk^not once but twice. There-

fore, the contentionaif'soiTte writefsp^t the northwestern frontier
of India was left upuefen^ecl on thfe -leVetaf the Turkish invasions
is wrong. Againyfo ^tribute the ^uccqWve defeats of Jaipal at
the hands of Turks to, tyatofaj palamities^rminforeseen circumstan-
ces and incidents U £Tsp tantamount toy misinterpretation of history.
The fact is that Ja\f)Sj '•was the most'^pmpetent of all the Indian
rulers who were called- upon to fighj /the JjG\\ azn avi d s . He played
a formidable role in%"y(Tig- to qheck (tjieity advance into India. He
also enjoyed full coop^tiO’n from 1 '’tjid ;/ other princes of northern
India. If, in spite of alfthi s^he^ituled , the credit rriust be given
to the Turks. Sabuktagin earned his victories by his • superior
generalship and the use of a better war,. strategy. The occupation
of Khyber pass by him gave a severe blow to the defences of north-
western frontier for all times to come. Sabuktagin was a pioneer
among the Turks who not only opened the ‘gateway of India’ but
also became its master by establishing a strong foothold on the
Indian side of the pass. It facilitated the march of Mahmud of
Ghazni on the plains of India without any let or hindrance.

Sabuktagin died in 997 at the age of fifty-six.

Mahmud of Ghazni (998-1030)

Abdul Qasim Mahmud, the eldest son of Sabuktagin, ascended
the throne of Ghazni 16 in 998 at the age of twenty-seven. 17 Within

14. Sabuktagin is credited with the conversion of the Afghans of the Kabul
valley to Islam. — C. V. Vaidya, History of Medieval Hindu India; 3 vols; III,
Poona, 1926, p 66.

15. Albertmi’s India (Sachau), I, p . 22.

16. Sabuktagin died on the Balkh frontier while in active command of bis army.
He had four sons — Mahmud, Ismail, Nasr and Yusuf. At the time of his
death, Mahmud was at Nishapur, in charge of the Khurasan army on
behalf of the Samanids. Taking advantage of this peculiar circumstance,
his younger brother Ismail declared himself Amir of Ghazni and actually
ruled over the kingdom for about seven months, until defeated and taken
prisoner by Mahmud. The Sultan placed him in the custody of his (Mah-
mud’s) father-in-law and provided him with all the amenities befitting a
prince. He thus avoided the horrors of a civil war; it added to his prestige
and popularity.

17. b. 971 A.D.; educated in Islamic theology and jurisprudence; well-versed in

50

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

a year, he secured recognition from Ai Qadir BiiJah, the Caliph of
Baghdad, as the ruler of Afghanistan and Khurasan. 18 The latter
bestowed on him the titles of Amin ul Millat (Protector of the
Muslims ) and Yamin ud Daulah (The Righthand Man of the
Empire). Mahmud thus came to occupy a status, similar to that
of the Samanids, his former suzerains, in direct allegiance to the
Caliph. He was the first Muslim ruler to be credited with the
title of the ‘Sultan’. 19 At the time of his investiture by the Caliph’s
plenipotentiary, Mahmud took a vow that he would wage jihad
(holy war) on the kafirs (infidels) and organise annual expedi-
tions 20 into India — ‘the land of idolators’. He could not undertake
this work all at once because of a revolt in Khurasan (998-99).
A great warrior and brilliant military commander, he carved out
a vast central Asian empire by conquests, 21 interspersed with his
Indian invasions.

Indian Invasions : Their Nature

Mahmud led seventeen 22 expeditions into India from 1000 to
1027. The number and frequency of these raids throws light on
the tireless energy, ambition and fixity of purpose of the invader.
He left Ghazni generally at the end of the Indian rainy season,
in September-October, and spent the winter here which was not as
cold as in Afghanistan. He returned to Ghazni in March-April,
before the beginning of the next rainy season, 28 laden with every
type of booty, including gold, silver, precious stones, horses,
elephants, men and women as slaves and all that he and his marau-
ders could carry with them. Having acquired lull knowledge of
the climate and topography of India, he usually tried to avoid
the scorching heat of the northern plains, and particularly the

Quran and Hadis (Islamic Tradition); associated with statecraft and active
warfare since boyhood; was appointed governor of Ghazni by his father
at the tender age of seven; received governorship of Khurasan (c.994) from
the Samanids.

18. Mahmud annexed Khurasan' to his kingdom by defying the authority of the
Samanids.

19. A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule In India; Allahabad,
2nd ed; 1961, p. 22.

20. Only seventeen Indian expeditions are credited to him in the thirty-two
years of his reign, but it must be acknowledged that he fulfilled the vow
which he had taken.

21. His Central Asian conquests included: Siestan (1002-4), Gharistan (1011-
12), Khwarizm (1015-17) and Ghor (1019-20).

22. E&D, H, pp. 434-78. The actual number is difficult to determine on
account of the conflicting evidence of contemporary authorities.

23. After each major victory, it might not have been possible for him to return
' to Ghazni. Similarly, for each fresh exploit, he might not have travelled

all the way from Ghazni. In his Mathura-Kanauj campaign, he was held
up in the Doab during the rainy season and the expedition thus lasted more
than a year.

GHAZNAVID INROADS

51

rains which blocked the passage of the armies. Obviously, even
the shortest of his campaigns has to be indicated by two years of
the Christian era.

Encounter with Jaipal

After the consolidation of his hold over the Ghazni kingdom,
Mahmud turned his attention towards the Indian frontier. He
initiated the campaign with the dawn of the eleventh century
(1000-01). He crossed the Khyber pass and occupied some hill
territories and fortresses of the Hindushahis in the vicinity of
Peshawar. 24 He stayed on the bank of the Indus for a couple of
weeks and had a good look at the vast stretch of the Indian plains
along the river. He returned after stationing a strong contingent
on the Indian' side of the pass. This was his first visit to the pass
which he garrisoned and made safe for his future expeditions.

Mahmud marched against Jaipal the year following, at the
head of 1 ‘',000 select cavalry and a large number of ghazis 25 and
encamped near Peshawar. Jaipal crossed the Indus with 12,000
cavairy, 30,000 infantry and 300 elephants, to meet the invader.
The battle took place on November 27, 1001. 26 Jaipal was
defeated and taken prisoner along with his chief officers and kins-
men; fifteen thousand of his men lay dead ‘spreading like a carpet
on the ground’ and providing ample ‘food for beasts and birds
of prey’. Anandpal, the son of Jaipal, who had been left behind
at Waihand to look after the affairs of the state, had to pay a
heavy ransom 27 to secure the release of his father and others.
Jaipal could not bear the disgrace and burnt himself to death on
a self-lit pyre. He was succeeded on the throne of Waihand by
Anandpal. Mahmud returned to Ghazni with a huge booty 28 and

24. Including Bannu, Waziristan and the lower valley of the Kabul. Firishta
makes a mention of this expedition on the authority of Gardizi. Briggs,
I, p. 20.

Gardizi is the only contemporary source of our information about this
preliminary expedition. Zain ul Akhbar; (written under Sultan Abdur
Rashid of Ghazni, 1049-52); edited by Muhammad Nazim Siddique, Berlin,
1928.

25. The Muslim volunteers, unpaid ‘plunder-seeking adventurers’ especially
utilised for jihad. According to Clifford Edmund Bosworth,_ 10,000 ghazis
accompanied Mahmud in 1001-2 against Jaipal and 20,000 in his Kanauj
campaign. Their number was much larger on the occasion of the Spmnath
expedition. The Ghazmvids : Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern [ran,
994-1040: Edinburg 1963, p. 114.

26. Utbi — E&D, II, p. 26.

27. 250,000 dinars and 50 elephants; Jaipal’s one son and a grandson were
detained as hostages till the fulfilment of the conditions of the treaty. —
Firishta (Briggs), I, p21.

28. According to Utbi. ‘the friends of God were not unmindful of the gold.
Thereclace was taken off the neck of Jaipal, composed oflarge pearls and
shining gems arid rubies, set in gold, of which the value was 200,000 dinars

52

ADVANCED STUDY IN THB HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

a large number of the Indian captives as slaves . 29 This initial
victory over Hindushahis, the guardians of the northwestern
frontier of India, encouraged him a great deal.

Subjugation of Bhatiya and Multan

After the conquest of Siestan (1002-4 ), Mahmud led his third
expedition into India in 1004-5. He marched with his victo-
rious army through Baluchistan, crossed the Indus and started
loot and plunder in the Multan region. He met with stiff opposi-
tion at the fort of Bhatiya 80 (or Bhatia), situated on the trade
route from the Khyber pass to Multan. Its ruler Baji or Biji Rai
gave a heroic fight but was defeated; instead of falling into the
hands of the invaders, he saved his honour by committing suicide.
All the inhabitants of Bhatiya who refused to embrace Islam were
put to the sword.

Mahmud returned to Ghazni along the Indus via the Khyber
pass; his men took time to move and were caught in the rains be-
fore they could clear the pass. The swollen Indus and its tribu-
taries took a heavy toll of life and booty of the invaders, who were
also pillaged by the Indian tribals. It made Mahmud wiser in
planning his subsequent expeditions.

Mahmud led his fourth expedition (1005-6) against Abdul
Fateh Daud, .he karmatia ruler of Multan, dubbed as heretic by
the Turks. Anandpal refused to give a passage to the invaders
through his dominions and had to suffer a heavy loss. Daud
capitulated without a fight and pleased Mahmud by the surrender
of his treasure, horses and other valuables. He was allowed to
retain Multan on the promise to pay annual tribute and follow
the principles of the sunni faith.

While returning to Ghazni, Mahmud • appointed a Hindu
convert, Nawasa Shah 81 to look after his conquered territories
in Hindustan.

About this time, the Turks under Ilak Khans, 32 invaded Khu-
rasan. Mahmud, therefore, remained busy on his central Asian
frontier for about two years. Taking advantage of his long

and twice that value was obtained from the necks of others. E&D, IT,
p. 26.

29. Utbi says that five lakh people, including 'beautiful women’, were taken
slaves, evidently after the battle, from the neighbouring countrysi .

30. Variously identified as Bhera, on the southern bank of the Jhelum in the
salt range, Uchh or Bhatinda ; none of these identifications seems to

31. Sukhpal or Sevakpal, a maternal grandson of Jaipal who had been taken
prisoner at the battle of Peshawar in 1001-02. •

32. I-Lak Khan was the title of the Turkish rulers of Kashghar.

ghaznavid inroads

53

absence, Nawasa Shah renounced Islam and tended to behave as an
independent ruler of the northwestern frontier. Daud of Multan
also began to collaborate with him. The fifth expedition of
Mahmud (1007-8) was, accordingly, directed against Nawasa Shah.
The latter attempted to escape towards the Kashmir hills but was
taken prisoner 33 and deprived of his personal treasure of about four
lakh dinars.

Victory Over Anandpal and Plunder of Nagarkot (1008-9)

The ever-increasing frequency of Mahmud’s raids made Anand-
pal, the Hindushahi ruler, extremely anxious about the safety of
his state. All along, Mahmud had been striking at the fringes
of the Hindushahi kingdom, subjugating and humiliating the petty
chieftains and demoralising their people. Sooner or later the
Hindushahis must settle their scores with the invader; in spite of
the successive defeats having been suffered by its rulers, the Hindu-
shahis constituted yet the most formidable stumbling block in the
way of Mahmud. Anandpal was fully conscious of the gravity of the
situation. Mahmud launched a full-fledged invasion 34 of the
Hindushahi kingdom in 1008-9 (sixth expedition). Anandpal was
prepared to meet the eventuality. He had received some aid in
men and material from the rulers of Delhi, Ajmer, 35 Kalinjar,
Gwalior and Kanauj. There was great enthusiasm among the
people of northern India; many ‘Hindu ladies sold their ornaments^
and ‘the poorer among them worked hard at their spinning w ! 4ee ‘ s
to provide money for the soldiers. A united effort was made by
the Indians to face the foreigner. The two armies met on the
banks of the Indus. Mahmud resorted to strategy to meet the

33.

34.

According to Gardizi, Nawasa Shah died in the prison of Mahmud, b
Muhammad Nazim states that he outlived Mahmud, escaped to Kasnm
and formed a confederacy of the hill chieftains (1043-44) and attacked
Lahore, then a part of the Ghaznavid empire. He was defeated and siai
in the battlefield.

Muhammad Nazim gives the impression that it was Anandpal who took
the initiative in the matter of invasion for ‘stemming the tide of the Muslim,
conquest from the northwest ’ . — The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmud oj
Ghazna; Cambridge, 1931; New Delhi reprint, 1971, p 89.

35. Firishta, (Briggs), I, p. 26.

The Chauhans of Sambhar (later Ajmer) did not come into direct clash
with Mahmud. The very town of Ajmer had not yet been founded; it wa

the Chauhan ruler Ajayadeva of Sambhar who is said to have hunt the o
of Ajmer and founded the modern town, towatds the end of the eleventn
century (c.1093 A.D.). It was named after him as Ajayameru; it was he wno
shifted his capital from Sambhar to Ajmer. Firishta’s statement is, there-
fore, not correct. By making Chauhans of Ajmer to be a constituent o
the Rajput confederacy against the Ghaznavids, Firishta merely makes a
surmise, by ante-dating Ajmer owing to its fame in the days of Muhammaa
Ghori. Similarly, V. A- Smith’s observation in the Oxford History oj India
that Visaldeva (Bisaldeva) of Ajmer led the Rajput confederacy agams
Mahmud in 1008 is also incorrect. There is, however, a probability tna
the Chauhans of Sambhar had supplied contingents of troops on both tnese
occasions.

54

advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

situation. With back to the Khyber pass, firmly secured and made
safe for retreat in case of defeat, he entrenched his main army in
the plain of Chhachh near Hazru on the east of the Indus. 36 The
armies remained encamped face to face with each other for 'forty
days’ without engaging themselves. Meanwhile the- troops of
Anandpal daily increased in number. Ultimately, Mahmud sent
6,000 archers to provoke the enemy to move' forward and attack-
his entrenchments. It had its desired effect; Anandpal’s forces
dashed forward and a bloody battle ensued. To quote Firishta
‘during the heat of the battle, 30,000 infidel Khokhars, with their
heads and feet bare, armed with spears and other weapons, pene-
trated on two sides — and forcing their way into the midst of the
cavalry — slaughtered three or four thousand Muhammedans. They
carried their success so far that the Sultan, observing their fury-
retreated from the thick of the fight that he might stop the battle
for that day.’ 37 Defeat stared him in the face, but, to his good
fortune, just at that crucial moment, the wounded elephant of
Anandpal got out of control and fled the banlefield, carrying the ■
monarch' along with him. It spread panic among the Hindu fight-
ers, who, treating it as a signal for the flight of their leader, broke
the engagement. According to the Muslim chroniclers, no less
than 8,000 of them were killed in the retreat. This broke the
backbone of the national resistance movement against the Turkish
invader. Mahmud did not stay put at the battlefield after this
glorious victoiy. A part of his army spread over the plains and
took possession of the entire upper valley of the Indus, including
Waihand, He himself moved speedily, at the head of select cavalry,
along the foothills of the Punjab, apparently with the object of
- giving a hot chase to the fugitive Hindu soldiers. As a matter of
fact, he had a sinister design up his sleeves. To the great chagrin
and bewilderment of the hill chiefs, he, all of a sudden, thundered
at the gates of Nagarkot (Bhimnagar, modern Kangra) which had
one of the most sacred and richest temples of national fame.
Mahmud won an easy victory over the defenders of the fortress,
plundered the temple as well as the populace and returned to
Ghazni ‘laden with booty’. The temple alone yielded 100,000
minted gold coins: 700 maunds of gold and silver ingots and
jewellery and twenty maunds of precious stones — pearls and rubies
of incalculable value. Many rare trophies of the war had never
been seen or heard of by the people of central Asia. Mahmud held

36. Situated near Attock on the other side of the Indus, it was already in the
possession of Mahmud; he thus met Anandpal's forces in his own domin-
ions. C.V. Vaidya, History of Medieval Hindu India; op. cir.. Ill, pp.
49 * 5 °

The battle was not fought in the plain on the west bank of the Incto as
held by most of the authors by a misreading of Firishta ’s reference to the
plain on the confines of the province of Peshawar’. There is nothing wrong
with the statement because the boundaries of the ‘province of Peshawar
could include territory on the eastern bank of the Indus too.

37. Briggs, I, pp. 26-27.

GHAZNAVID INROADS

55

a grand exhibition of the booty in the imperial lawns at Ghazni
for many a week; the ambassadors from the Muslim countries and
the people from far and near poured into Ghazni to have a glimpse
of the fabulous wealth.

This made Mahmud famous as a Muslim crusader and con-
queror of Hindustan— ‘the golden sparrow of Asia’. He established
his undisputed military dominance over northern India and played
havoc there during the next two decades; 38 the Indian rulers trem-
bled to hear his name. The Nagarkot exploit provided a clue to the
centuries-old accumulated wealth of India in the holy shrines. It
sharpened Mahmud’s avarice for the precious metal and encouraged
himrto strike at other famous Hindu temples with a still greater
ferocity.

Penetration into Rajputana

In his seventh expedition (1009-10), Mahmud penerated deep
into the heart of India upto Narayan (modern Narayanpur, near
Alwar— Rajasthan). Its ruler was defeated and had to part witn
his entire treasury, armoury and other valuables. He promised
further to assist Mahmud with men and material in his tu ure
campaigns against the neighbouring rulers.

Annexation of Multan (1010-11 )

Next year (1010-11 ), Mahmud took a punitive expedition
(eighth in the series) against king Daud of Multan ^ who ha
to act as his faithful satelite and reverted to the old heretic
practices’. Daud was taken prisoner and deposed, hun
karmatias, dubbed as heretics, were put to the sw ?™. , ~

appointed a Turkish military officer as governor ot Multan oeiore

his return to Ghazni.

Plunder of Thanesar

* In his ninth expedition (1012-13), Mahmud laid his hands on
Thanesar 40 — ‘the Mecca of Hindus’. It was then an independent

38.

39.

40.

is subsequent invasions, the Indians witnessed l °r indulging in

ping across’ the rich plains of India, burning, loo g, down
criminate massacre; raping women, destroying fair rati, re jj_

nificent shrines enriched by centuries of faith; enforci g un _

at the point of sword; abducting thousands, forcing
ng marriage or concubinage; capturing hundreds of ' tho . . J

ion and children, to be sold as slaves in the markets of Ghazni ana
r central Asian markets.’ BVB, V, p. xii. ,

d was sent a prisoner to Ghazni and thence to Ghorak w ere e
dizi and Firishta give the plunder of Thanesar in 1012-13, though some
le evidence suggests that it might have taken place in 101 J-l
:onquest of Nandana by Mahmud in 1012-13.

:>i! advanced study in the history of medieval india

principality. Mahmud knew that, given the warning, millions of
Indians might be willing to shed their blood for the protection of
the holy place. He, therefore, kept his plan a closely guarded

Se ^[ Ct ’t.- eVen i/ r , < ? m . ¥ s own cara P-faHowers. As usual, he moved
with his well-disciplined cavalry along the foothills of Shivaliks. 41
On reaching the table-land near modern Chandigarh, he made a
sharp detour towards Thanesar and took its inhabitants by sur-
prise. On the way, only one Indian chief Rama attempted to
check his advance on the bank of a stream and perished with all his
men on the battlefield. 42 Before the Hindu princes of the neigh-
bouring states could reach Thanesar for its defence, it was all
over; the town arid its _ holy shrines lay in ruins— -the heaps of
debris, covered with rotting corpses. Like a hurricane, Mahmud
had made a clean sweep of his target and was already beyond the
reach of the Hindu forces, treading his way to Ghazni with the
same swiftness with which he had come. It was nothing short of
a highway robbery, accompanied by unsurpassed vandalism.

Defeat of Trilochanpal : End of Hindushahis

Since the fall of Waihand (1008-9), Anandpal had stt up
his headquarters at Nandana in the salt range. On his death
(c. 1012), Mahmud made a determined bid to liquidate the Hindu-
shahis. He marched.upon Nandana (1013-14 : tenth expedition)
at the head of a large cavalry force and besieged the fort. Trilo-
chanpal. the son and successor of Anandpal, left the defences
of the fcrt to his son Bhimpal and himself retreated towards
the Kashmir hills. Bhimpal gave a heroic fight to the invader, in
the true spirit'of his forefathers, but his army was routed by the
latter in a pitched battle, fought outside the fort. He escaped to
the hills thereafter. Even then the handful of the besieged Shahi
soldiers refused to surrender until Mahmud planted mines under
the walls of the fort and threatened them with total annihilation.
An Indian convert named Sarog was appointed governor of
Nandana by him.

In 1015-16 (the eleventh expedition), Mahmud invaded the
Kashmir valley. Trilochanpal and his son Bhimpal gave him a
slip and returned to Punjab to salvage whatever portion of their

41. The foothills of Shivaliks, where the town of Chandigarh is now situated,
lay on the route of Mahmud’s armies, while marching to and from the
Gangetic valley. There is every reason to believe that he used this area
as a halting place where his men relaxed for a while after having co'ercd a
Jong distance on the onward or the return march. It was from here that
he took the route along the modem highway between Kalka and Ambafa
while marching upon his pre-detennined targets. He seldom moved through
the central Punjab for this purpose so as to avoid all phvsical or human
obstacles which might impede his progress.

42. Probably, he was the ruler of Thanesar itself who gave the Turks a battle,
not in the immediate vicinity of Thanesar, but at some distance, on the
banks of a stream.

GHAZNAVID INROADS

57

territories had escaped the fury of the invader. Mahmud laid
siege to the fort of Lohkot (Loharin) but the besieged garrison
gave a stubborn fight and compelled the invader to raise the siege.
Severity of winter, 'accompanied by heavy snowfall incapacitated
Mahmud’s army. It lost its way in the vales and hills and was
reduced considerably in numbers. This was, incidentally, the only
expedition of Mahmud which proved unsuccessful.

It would be appropriate to narrate here the subsequent efforts
made by Mahmud to finally liquidate the Hindushahi dynasty.
Chronologically, these were intervened by some other campaigns
of Mahmud. After encamping in the neighbourhood of modern
Sirhind for a shortwhile, Trilochanpal shifted to Lahore which
became the capital of the Hindushahis. The people of central
Punjab rallied round him in thousands, ready to lay down their
lives for the defence of their homeland. Mahmud also could not
rest at ease until he had delivered a final blow to the Hindushahis.
He invaded Lahore (1021-22) during his fourteenth expedition
and gave yet another defeat to Trilochanpal. Lahore fell into
the hands of the invader as also 270 war elephants. The whole
of Punjab upto the banks of the Sutlej was declared annexed to
the Ghazni empire. Trilochanpal escaped once again and at-
tempted to form a junction with Vidyadhara", the Chandela prince
of Kalinjar (Bundelkhand). On his way, Trilochanpal was prob-
ably assassinated by some of his own selfish men who had
become sick of his unending struggle against the Turks. His son
Bhimpal outlived his father by six years without claiming any
royal title. With his death (c. 1026) as a fugitive, the Hindushahi
dynasty came to an end.

Plunder of Mathura and Kanauj

To resume the main story, after his unsuccessful expedition to
Kashmir, Mahmud remained busy for about two years (1016-18)
on his western front which proved to be a temporary lull before
the terrible storm that he let loose over the Gangetic valley in
1018-20. He invaded Kanauj (twelfth expedition), then ruled
by Rajyapal, the Gurjara-Pratihara chief. On the way, Hardutt,
the king of Bulandshahr ( Baranunder ) surrendered without a
fight; he embraced Islam along with his ten thousand soldiers.
Kulchand, the ruler of Mathura lost 50,000 of his soldiers at the
battlefield of Mahavana. Instead of falling into the hands of the
invaders, he saved his honour by committing suicide along with
his wife. Mahmud desecrated about one thousand temples in
Mathura and its neighbourhood. His forces spread themselves in
the Gangetic Doab, carrying fire and sword wherever they went.
Rajyapal fled Kanauj on the approach of the invaders. According
to Utbi, the latter ransacked and destroyed 10,000 temples in that
region. Mahmud carried back with him two million gold
coins, invaluable quantities of gold, silver and precious stones.

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA
Campaign Against Gwalior and Kalinjar

hated*™ !, T U u } ’ Rajyapal re_a PPeared in Kanauj, to be

Si " nd . despis u ed by hls pe ° P le. The Chandela king Ganda of

to death S r CO ‘ iabora i lonw ' th the ruler of Gwa-ior, put Rajyapal
o death for having brought dishonour to the country by his act
nc £™*«J Mahmud, therefore, directed his next expedition
UU2U-21 . the thirteenth in series) against Kalinjar. On the way,
^ v .;‘ d S1 ?S? t° Gwalior but failed to conquer it. Jts ruler
c °j “ e Kachhapaghata clan, accepted nominal suzerainty
only a ^ mU d and ®°t r * d h ,m by offering thirty-five war elephants

. According to Gardizi, Ganda raja challenged the invader
with l,45,f 00 infantry, 36,000 cavalry and 640 elephants; he was
supported by some other Hindu chiefs. Before the actual fight,
Ganda became, however, suspicious of treachery on the part of
his colleagues and fled the field at night, leaving behind immense
baggage and armoury which fell into the hands of the invaders;
the booty included 580 war elephants also. Ganda took refuge
in the fort of Kalinjar which was promptly besieged by Mahmud.
In spite of his best efforts, he failed to conquer it and was obliged
to raise the siege on the offer of 300 war elephants 43 by the
Chandelas. About this time, Vidyadhara, the illustrious son of
Ganda, seems to have been in charge of theK alinjar fort who plea-
sed Mahmud of Ghazni by sending him a self-composed poem in
praise of his suzerain. The campaign against Gwalior and
Kalinjar was not very successful. Mahmud returned to Ghazni
in a hurry so as not to be caught in the rainy season in the midst
of the unbeaten Hindu rulers and hostile population.

Plunder of Somnath (1025-26)

The most outstanding invasion (fifteenth) of Mahmud was
directed against the Somnath temple, 44 situated on the sea-coast
in the extreme south of Kathiawar. 45 Somnath being a haibour,

43. Gardizi (p. 80) writes that Ganda sent these elephants without niulimnis
to test the competence of the Turkish warriors to control them which they
did with remarkable case to the bewilderment of the ‘infidels'

44. ‘Master of the Moon’ (soma means the moon). According to Hindu my-
thology, the god Somanatha was worshipped by the moon.

45. Utbi does not record this expedition, hi* account concludes with the defeat
of Trilochanpal (1020-21); Utbi died in 1029 A. D.

Kamil at Tawarikh of Ibn Asir is the earliest contemporary source of our
information on this expedition. E&D, II, p. 468.

Firishta's account is full of fables which got currency much later.

GHAZNAVID INROADS

59

the sea-faring people carried the tales of its fabulous wealth to the
Muslim world. Mahmud felt tempted to plan the greatest and
the most daring exploit of his life with the twofold object of
acquiring its wealth and winning fame and glory as an ‘idol-
breaker’ among his co-religioinsts. 46 He left Ghazni at the head
of sixty to eighty thousand crusaders, including 30,000 of his well-
organised cavalry and the ghazis\ it was the maximum force ever
commanded by him on any single occasion. He reached Gujarat
via Multan and Ajmer, piercing his way through the waterless de-
sert of Raj put ana 47 where the slightest miscalculation, misdirection
or mishap could mean the total ruin of his army and the end of
his career. Mahmud brushed aside strongholds of the Rajputs
to save time and energy. He arrived at Somnath 48 in mid-
January 1026. The battle of Somnath lasted three days. The
defenders of the town offered stubborn resistance for two days ;
on the third day, Mahmud’s army was surrounded by thousands
of Hindu fighters who rushed from far and wide to defend the
holy shrine. A bloody carnage ensued in which Mahmud ulti-
mately won the day. About 50,000 of the defenders fell fighting.
The victory was followed by sack of the temple as well as the
town and general slaughter of the populace. It is said that
Mahmud entered the temple and broke the idol, a siva-linga * 9
with his mace to earn the title of an ‘idol-breaker’ ( butshikan ). 50
The magnificence of the temple 51 and the booty acquired by

46. The Hindus of Gujarat were fed on the mistaken belief that the deities of
northern India had fallen victims to the Turks because they had lost the
patronage and sympathies of Somanatha, the greatest of the gods. When
Mahmud heard of it, he decided to lay his hands on the temple of
Somanatha.

47. Every man was required to carry enough water, food and fodder for his
horse to last for many days. Three thousand camels, laden with additional
food-supplies and water, accompanied the army to meet any contingency.

48. The Muslim chroniclers record that on the approach of Mahmud’s armies,
the Hindus of Somnath assembled on the rampart of the town and their
house-tops to watch them; and foolishly believed that the mlechhas would
be annihilated by their Lord Somanatha for the sins which had been com-
mitted by them on the Indian soil.

49. The lingam was fifteen feet long, of which six feet were below and nine
above the ground, Alberuni says that it was made of solid gold. — Sachau,
II, p. 103.

Firishta’s story that the idol was hollow from within and full of, precious
stones, worth crores of rupees, which burst forth on the first strike by
Mahmud, is not accepted by Mohammad Habib, Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni;
S. Chand, 2nd ed„ 1951, p. 57.

50. It is said that Mahmud was requested by the priests not to break the main
idol in return for immense wealth. Mahmud spurned the offer, however, and
said that he would rather like to be known as ‘Mahmud— the idol-breaker,
{butshikan) than ‘the idol-seller’ {but-farosh). Gardizi does not mention it
nor does Ibn Asir; Habib, therefore, regards it a mere fable, ibid; p. 53

51. The temple was a spacious edifice. It stood on a raised platform of stone-
slabs; the pyramidal roof of the shiklmi was made of thirteen storeys and
was surmounted by fourteen golden domes. The main building was sup-
ported by fifty-six ornamented pillars. A chain of gold with bells, weighing

60 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

S^ U t d hi h ^m fr i° m defy a! i desc , ri P tions and calculations. 62 After
pillage, the temple was razed to the ground and set on fire.

heh^n^N w not stay at Somnath for more than two weeks;
fie hastened back to Ghazni with men and beasts laden with booty,
in order to evade the Rajputs, who were ready by this time to block
ms passage, Mahmud moved swiftly through Gujarat, the Rann
ot Kutch and Sind. Anhilwara, the capital of Gujarat, fell
into his hands without a fight; its ruler BhimDeo was besieged
m the iort of Khandah. Mahmud was fascinated by the pleasant
climate of Gujarat and the richness of its people and the soil.
While at Anhilwara, he expressed the desire, for the first and the
last time, to stay there and carve out an Indian empire. His
suggestion met with strong opposition, however, from his lieute-
nants and the soldiers who were eager to reach back home at the
earliest. 53 His army met with some resistance from Bhim Deo
and some other chieftains and also suffered much in the Rann
of Kutch and the Sind desert. It was pillaged too by the Jats
of the lower Indus valley. He reached Ghazni in April 1026.
Mahmud acquired a worldwide fame by this exploit; his name
became a legend in the Muslim world. He sent huge quantities
of gold and silver and presents of incalculable value to the
Caliph, who, in turn, congratulated him and bestowed royal tides
on two of his sons. He also conveyed to Mahmud that any of
his nominees would receive Caliph’s recognition as the rightful
successor of his vast dominions.

In 1026-27, Mahmud led a punitive expedition against the
Jats in the lower valley of the Indus who had obstructed his path
on return from Somnath the year before. Mahmud got constructed
at Multan J,400 boats with pointed warheads for this purpose.
The Jats used 4,000 small boats of reed against the invader but
perished in the first naval action ever fought by Mahmud. His
last '■ expedition was also directed against some rebels of the
Punjab.

twenty mounds , was hung in a corner of the temple. It was pulled at prayer
hours to inform the priests and devotees. A thousand Brahmins worship-
, ped the idol continuously. The idol was washed with the ‘water of the
Ganges’, brought from hundreds of miles away. Five hundred dciadasis
(dancing and singing girls) and two hundred musicians were in the
service of the temple; three hundred barbers were employed to shave the
heads and beards of the pilgrims. The temple establishment was endowed
with 10,000 villages by the Indian princes and men of means.

52. It is said that the Sultan's share alone amounted to twenty millions of gold
dinars besides other invaluable treasures, which constituted only one-nun
of the total spoils. Accordingly, the value of the spoils in modern currency
would come to billions of rupees.

53. Mahmud appointed Dabshilim (Devasarun), an ascetic of Somnath and
an uncle of Bhim Deo, the ruler of Gujarat, to be the governor of Anml-
wara; but he was overthrown soon after Mahmud’s return.

GHAZNAVID INROADS

61

Mahmud died in 1030 after a brief illness at the age of fifty-

nine.

Objectives and Fulfilment

Mahmud was a great conqueror; he had imperialistic
instinct though he cannot be called an empire-builder. He acquired
vast territorial possessions albeit it was not his aim to establish
his sway over India. That is why his campaigns were usually
directed against big towns and rich temples. He did not attack
military installations and well-defended forts unless it became
impossible to avoid them. After the conquest of Mathura and
Kanauj, northern India lay at his feet but he lacked the acumen
to bring it under his permanent control. The defeated Indian
princes .acknowledged him sometimes as their overlord and held
out promises to pay the annual tribute but none took it seriously—
neither the victor nor the vanquished.

Mahmud annexed Punjab, including Lahore and Multan, to
the empire of Ghazni as a matter of expediency. It protected the
lines of communication and facilitated the movement of his armies
into the heart of India for plundering raids. The very fact that
Lahore was annexed by him rather very late (1021-22) after
more than two decades of his successful military career, mitigates
against the imperial motives of Mahmud.

Mahmud’s declared objective in carrying out repeated raids
into India was the propagation and glorification of Islam. It could
not be achieved by the way he and his camp-followers behaved
towards the Indian populace while on plundering sprees. Most
of his expeditions were in the nature of highway robberies wherein
he outdid the barbarians in the display of vandalism towards the
vanquished. A few modern historiographers have advanced the
argument that Mahmud needed a lot of money to raise the army
for the expansion of a vast central Asian empire; the author does
not agree with them. It was not a needy man looking for money
in the holy shrines; Mahmud was a greedy man who lived for mo-
ney and died for it. The base elements of greed for the precious
metal and the temptation to destroy the grand edifice of a civilised
society could bring no credit to him or to his creed. 64 Of course,
he knew it well that by raising the cry of jihad against the
‘infidels’ he could muster a large number of recruits from all over
the Muslim world, willing to join him as ghazis or volunteers in
his expeditions. His attacks on the Hindu temples served both
the purposes — acquisition of wealth and fame as idol-breaker. 65

54. ‘Mahmud was no missionary; conversion was not his object’. Habib,
Mahmud of Ghazni; op. cit., p. 77.

55. ‘Mahmud took . . .all that centuries of Indian industry had accumulated,
and left the Indians to rebuild, as well as they could, the ruined fortifica-
tions of their cities and the fallen altars of their gods. He obtained the
gold and the prestige he needed and he had aspired for nothing else’
ibid.

62

advanced study in the history OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Through personal experience, Mahmud had learnt to neutralise
the destructive power of the enemy’s war elephants all the same
he was fascinated by them and developed a peculiar craze to
acquire them from the defeated Indian princes as trophies of war.
JHe, thereby, built a strong contingent of over 2,500 such elephants
they were freely used in his central Asian wars; they struck awe

and terror m the hearts of those at least who had never seen them
betore. Repeated Indian expeditions ensured a steady supply of
the beasts ; but to say that he launched the campaigns with the
object of acquiring the war elephants would be to place the cart
before the horse.

Mahmud was one of the greatest military generals the world
has ever produced. He was a born soldier, fearless crusader,
courageous and resourceful; he seldom lost a battle. Through
his brilliant military exploits, he carved out a name for himself in
the history of central Asia. He was no barbarian at home ; he
was a patron of art and learning; a galaxy of scholars, poets
and artists adorned his court and received liberal patronage from
hint. They included, among others, Alberuni, Baihaqi, Utbi, Fir-
dausi, Unsari — the poet laureate, and Farabi— the philosopher.
Ghazni and its people benefited immensely from their monarch
and his fabulous wealth. He spent lavishly to make his seat of
governance one of the finest cities of Asia. He erected magnificent
mosques and huge palaces; established a university, a library and
a museum which stored invaluable trophies of war and laid
beautiful gardens and parks in Ghazni.

Mahmud was, however, not a great statesman, nor a good
ruler. He left behind a mighty army and the royal treasury full
to the brim; but he failed to utilise material resources to consoli-
date the gains of his victories. He failed to evolve an efficient
administrative hierarchy to run the government. He is not cre-
dited with the establishment of any socio-cultural or political
institutions of Jariing nature. He showed no interest in public
welfare or nation-building activities. His autocratic and extremely
self-willed behaviour did not allow freedom of expression and
action to his'ministers and the ruling elite. They lost all initiative
and sought their safety in paying unquestioned obedience tot he
dictates of their master. 56 The Sultan never brooked any differ-
ence of opinion on any issue. To the ulanm ( imillas ) who were
expected to exercise some check on his actions as a ruler, he had
assumed the role of a Ghazi, the champion of Islam. None else

56 .

Sabuktagin had-a very brilliant and capable minister Abu! Abbas Fasih
Ahmad. He worked ‘marvels in the administration of (he state and the army .
Mahmud confirmed him in his post but. within two years, picked up a row
with him over the possession of a Turkish slave. The minister was dis-
missed and put to death at the instigation of some self-seeking nobles.
After this episode who could dare to give a wise counsel to Ibe Sultan
in state matters?

GHAZNAVID INROADS

63

dared to give him a wise counsel on administrative and state
matters even when it was most needed. All the time he was busy
with his military engagements and did not pay proper attention
to the problems of law and order in his dominions. There was
no police force, vested with specific civil powers, to protect the
life and property of the subjects. His was a pure military dicta-
torship under which the people enjoyed no civil liberties. That
way, he left a very bad legacy behind; what he did not accom-
plish during his lifetime, could not be done by his successors.
The grand edifice raised by him crumbled down to pieces sooner
than expected. His weak successors lost all that had been
secured by Sabuktagin and Mahmud; they were compelled to
seek refuge in India as the regional rulers of the Punjab. The
conquest and annexation of the Punjab thus proved to be the only
worthwhile gain of Mahmud’s Indian expeditions.

Effects of Mahmud’s Invasions

Mahmud’s invasions shook the entire political fabric of nor-
thern and western India. The Hindushahis, the heroic defenders
of the Punjab and the northwestern frontier perished; Khyber
pass, the Gateway of India, was lost to the foreigners forever.
The powerful and proud Rajput princes were defeated, humiliated
or liquidated, resulting in the disintegration of their states. The
political division and disunity of the country was exposed. The
defective military structure and poor leadership took a heavy toll
of the martial talent; thousands of brave fighters laid down
their lives in battlefields; those who survived felt thoroughly
humiliated and demoralised. The citizens were massacred in cold
blood by the marauders who took thousands with them as slaves,
to be sold in the markets of Baghdad, Samarkand and Bukhara.
Flourishing cities were laid waste; magnificent temples were
desecrated and plundered; and the centuries-old edifices of art,
architecture and culture were ruined. The entire habitats were
razed to the ground and millions of people rendered homeless
and hearthless while within their own country. Quite a few were
forcibly converted to Islam. Long after the departure of Mahmud,
northern India must have presented the picture of a vast refugee
camp. The problems of resettlement of the uprooted people must
have baffled the petty chieftains who lacked moral courage,
resources and foresight to help their subjects. One shudders to
think of the sad plight of the unfortunate Indians of those days
who did not have the benefit of a country-wide national govern-
ment to look after their interests and soothe their injured senti-
ments. A whole civilisation was fatally wounded and left
bleeding. In the Ghaznavid invasions, the country witnessed a
dreadful holocaust. Had it the capacity to produce a Chanakya
or Chandragupta Maurya who might give a lead to the nation
and rejuvenate its people ? Only time could tell. How the poli-
tical and social leadership of the country responded to this chal-
lenge, forms the subject-matter of the next chapter.

3

Between The Two Holocausts

Northern India (1030—1175)

Northern and western India was ravaged by the Turks in the
first quarter of the eleventh century. A number of mighty Indian
rulers were beaten hip and thigh by Mahmud of Ghazni. After
the conquest of the Indo-Gangetic valley (1018-22), he could
have established himself as the imperial monarch of India if he
had so desired. In not doing so, he afforded a golden opportunity
to the leadership of ancient India to overhaul the political set-
up of the country. The regional princes were given a chance to
rally and be prepared to defend their independence against future
foreign onslaughts.

After the death of Mahmud, India enjoyed respite for over a
a century and a quarter (1030-1175) from foreign invasions. More
than enough time was thus allowed to the Indian princes and
the public to shed their regional outlook and set their house in
order on national considerations. That seemed to be the only way
to safeguard their national independence and protect their hearths
and homes. The account that follows gives the performance
of the regional rulers and throws light on the political developments
which took place in India during the period 1030-1175.

(a) Muslim States of Northwestern India

The Punjab was annexed to the Ghaznavid empire by
Mahmud in 1022; it remained under their control upto 1 186.
Khusrau Shah. (1152-60), one of Mahmud’s successors, was
driven out from Ghazni (c. 1158) by the Ghuzz Turks ; he
retreated to the Punjab and became purely a regional ruler ot
India, with Lahore as his capital. The northwestern frontier,
including Rawalpindi, was a part of his kingdom. Its southern
and southwestern boundary remained, however, constantly nuctuat-
ing because of conflict with the _ neighbouring Hindu cluels.
Hansi was lost to the Tumars of Delhi, and from the latter it was

between the two holocausts

65

snatched by Bisaldeva (c 1 1 53-63), the Chauhan ruler of Ajmer.
He fortified it as an outpost against the Turks. A few years
later, Prithvi Raj (II) Chauhan recovered Bhatinda. Khusrau
Shah was succeeded by Khusrau Malik (1160-86) who proved to be
the'last Ghaznavid ruler of Lahore.

Meanwhile, Ghazni was conquered by Ghiasuddin of Ghur
from the Ghuzz Truks in 1173. He put it under the charge of his
younger brother Shihabuddin Muhammad’ and permitted rhe
latter to expand his dominions and govern the conquered territories
as he pleased. The latter, ultimately, conquered the Punjab
and annihilated the Ghaznavid dynasty.

Multan and Sind had been conquered and handed over to his
military officers by Mahmud. After the annexation of Lahore,
these were put under the overall charge of the Ghaznavid governor
of the Punjab. Soon after the death of Mahmud, Multan
regained its independence under the hereditary karmatia dynasty.
Uchh also seems to have been taken over by them from the
Ghaznavids. Similarly, a local tribe, called the Sumras, estab-
lished themselves in Sind and secured their independence from the
Ghaznavids : Debal was their capital. They were shia Muslims
of an obscure origin.

Northwestern India thus came to have three independent
Muslim states on the eve of Muhammad Ghori’s invasions. The
fury of Mahmud’s 1 plundering raids over the Hindus of north-
western India adopted a liberal and rational outlook towards the
Muslims. The Muslim rulers of Lahore, Multan and Sind
received recognition as the regional powers, to be treated at par
with the other Indian princes. The Hindu converts to Islam,
within the jurisdiction of the Rajput states, were shown considera-
tion ; they were allowed to follow their newly adopted creed
without any feeling of ill-will or jealousy being exhibited by the
Hindu public or their rulers. The Muslim rulers were, however,
conscious of their precarious position in the company of mighty
Rajput princes. In order to ensure their survival, they usually
maintained an aggressive posture towards them. Given an
opportunity, they did not hesitate in striking at the neighbour-
ing Hindu states and, sometimes, penetrated deep into their
dominions.

(b) Delhi, Ajmer and Kanauj

The Foundation of Modern Delhi : According to Tod, the town
of modern Delhi ( Dhillika ) was founded, near the ruins of the
pre-historic city of Indraprostha of the Mahabharta period, by
Anang Paul, a Tumar (Tuar or Tomora) Rajput chief who claimed

66 ADVANCED STUDY IN' THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

d , es 1 c ® nt 1 f f om , t r he Pandavas?- His original name was Bilandeo, who
styled himself as Anang Paul after assuming the royal dignity 2
This name was always included in the dynastic title of each succes-
sive Tumar chief, but only the founder and the last ruler of the
dynasty were actually called by it in supersession of their original
names.

There is a wide difference of opinion regarding the date of
the foundation of Delhi. The Tumar Rajputs lived in the Gange-
tic valley, before its plunder by Mahmud of Ghazni ; they were
uprooted by the Turks ; and, instead of running away from the
field of combat, they made a settlement at Delhi, probably after
1020. 8 The region seems to have been devastated by Mahmud’s
forces and deserted by the local populace in about 1018-19; the
the sturdy Tumar Rajputs dauntlessly occupied the fertile lands
along the Yamuna on the very route of the invaders and, in-
directly, throve on the Turkish invasions, 4 so to say.

Anang Paul I and his successors ruled over Delhi as indepen-
dent sovereigns for over a century. The Muslim chroniclers recorc
that, in 1043, some Hindu princes of northern India formed a
confederacy under the leadership of the raja of Delhi with the
object of liberating the Punjab from the Ghaznavid rule but
were not successful. This ‘raja’ of Delhi’ was, obviously, a ruler
of the Tumar dynasty.

Triangular Contest for Supremacy: The Tumar rulers laid
claim to the sovereignty of Aryavrata on the basis of their
pedigree. The emergence of a powerful kingdom of Delhi was
not in the interest of the Gahadavalas of Kanauj as well as the
Chaubans of Sambhar (later Ajmer), both of whom claimed to be
the imperial rulers of northern India. Delhi was, accordingly,

1 .

2 .

3.

4 .

J. Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan; 2 vols; London, 1829; revised
edition by W. Crooke, 1920 — Indian reprint, 1957, 1, p 207.

The founder has left his name in the village of Anandpur, situated near
the original site of Dhillika, located by the Suraj Kund tank, a couple
miles from Tughluqabad. — Percival Spear, Delhi— A Historical Shetc ,
OUP, 1937; Indian reprint, 1945, p 10.

The title was derived from Ananga, one of the names of Kama the Hindu
god of love, (cf; Greek Cupid).

P. Spear, Delhi— A Historical'Sketch; op. cit., P 10. 7 , n

Gabrielle Festing says that the town was founded by Anang Paul I in
A.D., but was abandoned after a few generations. It was r ~? e ° p SLj?
bably by one of his scions and a namesake in 1052. When Kings R
Delhi; London, 1912, p 28. .

On the testimony of Tod, Adolf Waiey places the date

at 993 A D., in the form of an ordinary village.— Adolf Walcy, A Pageant

of India; (1926), Indian reprint, Delhi, 1975, p 122.

In that eventuality, the town of Delhi might have become the headquarters
of an independent principality after Mahmud s invasions.

Just as the Sikhs in the Punjab did during the days of Ahmad bfiah
Abdali’s invasions.

BETWEEN THE TWO HOLOCAUSTS “ 67

under military ■ pressure from its mighty Hindu . neighbours
almost continuously ; it was also under constant threat from the
Ghaznavids of the Punjab.

The Imperial Chauhans : The Chauhan kingdom of Sambhar
flourished under Vakpati II (1003-33) and his brilliant successors.
Raja Ajayadeva, the son and successor of Prithvi Raj I, built the
fort and the modern town of Ajmer ( Ajayameru ) in c. 1093 and
transferred his capital from Sambhar to that place. 5 6 His son and
successor Amo raja repulsed a Muslim attack from Sind. 6 The
next famous ruler Vigraharaja IV alias Visala or Bisaldeva
(c. 11 53-63) was a great warrior and an empire-builder. He
crushed the Muslim invaders and defeated many Rajput chiefs;
and carved out a vast kingdom which stretched from ‘the foothills
of Himalayas to the Vindhyas’. He defeated the Tumar monarch
of Delhi, the twentieth ruler of his line, 7 and secured the territory
of Hansi from him; the town had earlier been conquered by the
Tumars from the Ghaznavids of Lahore. 8 9 Bisaldeva had conquer-
ed Delhi, albeit he did not annex it. As a farsighted statesman;
he preferred to enter into a matrimonial alliance with the Tumar
chief; his principality of Delhi was allowed to exist as a buffer
between his own dominions and the Ghaznavids. The Tumar
ruler had two daughters but no male issue. He had already given
his first daughter in marriage to Bijayapal (1154-70), the fourth
Gahadavala ruler of Kanauj; the second daughter Ruka Bai was
offered by him in marriage to Somesvara, a nephew of Bisaldeva. 8
The subjugation of Delhi turned the Chauhans of Ajmer into an
all-India power. Thereafter, ‘their independence became identified
with the independence of Aryavrata’. Standing at the entrance
of Madhyadesa, they had perforce to accept every challenge to
Indian independence and culture and repel the enemy who
attempted to destroy these. 10

Bisaldeva was succeeded by his son Apara Gangeya but the
latter was deposed by Prithvi Raj II, one of his cousins (a son of

5. Tod, Rajasthan, I, p 207; also, Dashratha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynas-
ties; S. Chand, 1959, p 40.

6. Arnoraja was murdered by one of his sons, by his Sindhi wife, before
1153 A.D. This patricide, identified with Jugodeva, ruled for a short while
and was supplanted by his younger brother Vigraharaja IV or Bisaldeva.
BVB, V, p82. '

7. Tod, Rajasthan; I, pp 207-8; Waley, A Pageant of India; p 122.

8. Dashratha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties, p 90.

Most of the writers have all a'ong been attributing the conquest of Hansi
by Bisaldeva direct from the Ghaznavids of Lahore; their statements need
to be corrected on this account.

9. Somesvara was the son of Arnoraja by a Chalukya princess, Kanchandevi.
—BVB, V, p 88.

10. Dashrath Sharma, op. cit., p 60.

68 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Jugoveda and grandson of Arnoraja, the predecessor of Bisaldeva).
The reign of Apara Gangeya and Prithvi Raj II, popularly known
as Rat Pithora, lasted about six years. Rai Pithora won signi-
ficant victories against the Muslim neighbours. He was succeeded
by his uncle Somesvara, the son of Arnoraja . 11

Prithvi Raj Ghauhan (1171-92) : Prithvi Raj III, the famous
Chauhan ruler of Delhi and Ajmer, who clashed with Muhammad
Ghori (1 189-92), was the illustrious son of King Somesvara
(1 169-77) by his Tumar wife Ruka Devi. 12 Jt is said that Prithvi
Raj was brought to Delhi at the tender age of eight and reared by
his maternal grandparents. Anang Paul adopted him as an heir
to his kingdom in a formal public ceremony with great rejoicing.
Prithvi Raj grew up into a fine youngman of extraordinary quali-
ties of head and heart. He was a born soldier and a courageous
and fearless warrior. He ascended the throne of Ajmer on the
death of his father in 1177. He was then hardly seventeen;
therefore, he was placed under a coyncil of regency. Within a
year, however, he assumed the reigns', of government in his own
hands. He was a capable and populhr ruler who had many ex-
ploits to his credit. When he came to Delhi in 1 182 after the
conquest of Mahoba from the Chandelas, Anang Paul, then too
old to carry on the administration effectively, abdicated in favour
of his grandson and proclaimed him the ‘Emperor of Bharata’ 13 .
He stood as a bulwark against Muhammad Ghori till his heroic
death in the battlefield of Tarain (1192).

Kanauj : As recorded in the previous chapter, Rajyapal, the last
Gurjara-Pratihara ruler of Kanauj was put to death by the Raj-
put princes ot Gwalior and Kalinjar in about 1020. His
successors, nowever, continued to hold some territory with their
headquarters at Bari, in the vicinity of Kanauj, till 1090 when
their estate was overrun 14 by the Gahadavala Rajputs.

11 .

12 .

13.

14.

Jugodcva was the son of Arnoraja by his Sindh) wife; whereas Som
was his son by his Chalukya wife, as stated elsewhere m th's “ y ;
Jugodeva and Somesvara were thus half brothers wh os fa mi I
into fratricidal struggle with the object of acquiring the tnron .

Chand Bardai in Prithvi Raj Raso, quoted by Tod in Rajasthan, H, p sos,
also.

Gordon Hearson, The Seven Cities of Delhi - A Description and History;

Thacker & Spink, Calcutta & Simla, 1928, pp 9-10.

V.A. Smith had made a wrong statement that Prithvi Raj Chauhan was h
son of a Chedi princess.— See Early History of India, pp 38 - • _

D.C. Ganguly had accepted Smith’s version in “The Struggle for Empire ,
BVB, V, p 104. ...

As a matter of fact, Somesvara had two wives, one a Kal«*un pnnoess ^oT
Chedi, and the other a Tumar princess. Obviously, Smith had contused
the issue and refuted Chand Bardai’s version without verification of facts.
Adolf Waley, op. cit., p 125.

The Gurjara-Pratihara Rajputs continued to have their existence as pc y
chieftains in Rajputana and Malwa also.

between the two holocausts

69

After Mahmud’s second campaign in the Gangetic valley (1022-
23), a Rashtrakuta prince. Chandra established himself at Kanauj in
c. 1027. The fourth ruler of his line, Gopala, suffered defeat at the
hands of a Muslim army led by another Mahmud, the Ghaznavid
governor of Punjab (1086-90) at the bidding of the Sultan of Ghazni.
Gopala 15 was, finally, knocked out in 1089-90 by Chandradeva
(c. 1089 c. 1103) who laid the foundation of the Gahadavala
dynasty at Kanauj. 16 The heart of the Gangetic valley, from- Vaia-
nasi to Delhi, including the regions and towns of Kashi (Benaras),
Kaushal (Oudh) and Kaushik (mod. Allahabad) were included in
his dominions. 17 The fourth ruler of the Gahadavala dynasty,
Vijayachandra (1 154-70), had married a Tumar princess, as stated
earlier. Their offspring was Jaichand who ascended the throne
of Kanauj in c. 1170 after the death of his father. He was jealous
of his cousin Prithvi Raj, who was of the age of his child! en,
because the latter had been appointed an heir apparent to the
throne of Delhi by their maternal grandfather, Anang Paul. After
ascending the throne of Ajmer (1177 A.D.), Prithvi Raj turned
Jai Chand into an enemy by carrying off his daughter Sanyogita 18
(or Sanyukta) from her swaycnnvar. Jai Chand did not go to
the aid of his son-in-law when the latter entered into a life and
death struggle with the Turkish invaders under Muhammad Ghori.
Prithvi Raj Chauhan sacrificed his life in the defence of the
country; Jai Chand fell a victim to the same invader, a little
later.

(c) Other Regional Kingdoms

Gujarat and Malwa : Bhimdeo I, the Chalukya ruler of Anhil-
wara, re-established his sway over Gujarat soon after the departure
of Mahmud of Ghazni. His successors continued to rule over
Gujarat throughout the eleventh and the twelfth centuries. Jaisingh
Siddharaja (1102-43) was by far the greatest ruler of the dynasty
who defeated the Parmars of Malwa, the Guhilot Rajputs of
Chittor, and conquered Kathiawar. He came into conflict with
the Chauhans of Ajmer as well, but tasted defeat at their hands.
Mool Raj II ruled at Anhilwara on the eve of Muhammad Ghori’s
invasions.

15. After being turned out of Kanauj, he set up a small principality at Vada-
mayuta (mod. Badaun). The scions of Gopala seem to have lingered on
as feudatories of the Gahadavalas. The last Rashtrakuta chief Lakhan-
pala was defeated and put to death by Qutbuddin Aibek in 1202. He
appointed Iltutmish, later a famous Sultan of Delhi, to be the first Mus-
lim governor of Badaun.

16. Roma Niyogi, The History of the Gahadavala Dynasty; Calcutta, 1959, p 43.

17. ibid ;p 47.

18. The romantic story of Sanyogita’ s marriage with Prithvi Raj Chauhan, as
narrated by his court bard Chand Bardai, has been doubted by some of
the modern scholars on flimsy grounds.

70

ADVANCED STUDY IN THB HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

The Parmars of Malwa with their capital at Dhar rose into
prominence Under their greatest ruler Bhoja (c. 1010-55). After
his death, their possessions shrank into a small principality. They
were feudatories of the Chalukyas of Gujarat at the time of
Muhammad Ghori’s invasions.

Bundelkhand : As stated earlier (chap. 3), the Chandela ruler
Ganda and his son and successor Vidyadhara had put up a success-
ful resistance against Mahmud of Ghazni, although Vidyadhara
was constrained to accept nominal suzerainty of the invader. His
successors held their away in Bundelkhand for over a century ;
their dominions comprised Mahoba, Kalinjar, Khajuraho and
Jhansi. Madanvarman Chandela (c. 1 129-65) defeated the Parmars
of Malwa and annexed Bhilsa. He killed the Kalachuri chief
Gayakarna of Chedi (Tripura) in an engagement and made the
Kalachuris his feudatories.

Soon after, the Chandelas themselves were beaten by the
Gahadavalas of Kanauj. Madanvarman was succeeded by his
grandson Parmardi Deva (c. 11 65- 1202) who was defeated by
Prithvi Raj (III) Chauhan in c. 1182 and compelled to part with
a big slice of territory, including Mahoba, to the latter. In 1202,
Qutbuddin Aibek invaded Kalinjar ; Parmardi Deva submitted
to him after a brief struggle but was put to death by his minister
Ajayadeva, for having shown cowardice. 19

Bihar and Bengal : The Pala dynasty of northern Bengal conti-
nued its existence with varying fortunes till the last quarter of
the twelfth century. Its later rulers Kumarapala (1126-30) and
Madanpala (1130-50) were weak and inefficient, during whose
period their kingdom was reduced to a petty principality. Mean-
while, the dawn of the eleventh century saw the rise of a Sena

dynasty in Eastern Bengal. Its rulers are said to have hailed from
the south. Vijaya Sena (1097-1159) annexed large slices ot tne
Pala territories. He waged successful wars against the rulers o
Kamrup and Mithila (northern Bihar). He was succeeded by ye
another powerful king Ballala Sena '(1159-70). His son an
successor Lakshamana Sena was ousted by the Turks una
Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khalji. 20

Assam : The successors of Brahmapala, the ruler of Ka p,
continued to rule undisturbed throughout .the eleventh cen _ y*
One of them, Indrapala, has been described as Prac/n 7 /> ,

‘the light of the East’ : The last ruler of his line was Pushpabnaara

19. BVB V, p 59*

20. For details, refer to Charles Stewart. The History °SJ len l f al Country % F ‘the

Mohammedan Invasion Until the Virtual Conquest of that Country oy

English, A.D. 1757: (Oriental), Indian reprint, Delhi, 1971.

BETWEEN THE 1 WO HOLOCAUSTS

71

who was overthrown by one of his generals in the first quarter
of the twelfth century. After a brief interval of political
instability, one Vaidyanath emerged as the sovereign ruler of
-Kamrup. One of his successors. Vallabhadeva gave a crushing
defeat to Bakhtiyar Khalji in 1205. The rulers of Kamrup were
able to retain their independence against heavy odds throughout
the early medieval period. 21

The kingdom of Sylhet, situated in the lower valley of
Brahmaputra, was conquered by Sikander Khan Ghazi during the
period of Firoze Tughluq.

The Ahoms, an off-shoot of the Shan tribes of Burma,
migrated to eastern Assam in the first quarter of the thirteenth
century. 22 Their tribal chief Sukapha set up an independent state
with headquarters at Charaideo in 1253. It were they who
gave the name Ahom or Assam to the^hoIerT»rtheastern region
of India. ~ ~ '

An Evaluation of the Political

From the account that ha^ tfeen given above; we cfjmc to the
conclusion that there was no quaTLthtive change in tile political
set up of the country on the eve'QKthe v second holocaust wrought
by the Turks. The country was^diVi^ed, as usuaf, into petty
regional states. The Indian politicaFdegaef^hip exhibited a lack
of creativity in tackling the problem of^'Stional defence. Once
the foreign danger was over, numerous Rajput chiefs jumped into
the field to measure their swords in the traditional feudal style.
Some of them were ambitious and successful warriors but devoid
of statesmanship or diplomatic skill to earn recognition as the
imperial rulers of the country ; while majority of them proved to
be the typical feudal lords of average capabilities who exhibited
parochial or clanish outlook. They were at daggers drawn with
each other and wasted their valuable resources in men and material
in internecine wars. Even within their own dominions, they
often failed to provide adequate relief to the uprooted and badly
mauled subjects needing rehabilitation. They did not lack the
resources perhaps, albeit ihey proved themselves void of creative

21. The Muslim rulers of Bengal continued to exert their military pressure
on Kamrup. Ghiyasuddin of Lakhnauti made an unsuccessful attempt
to conquer Kamrup in 1227. Thirty years later, Tughril Khan of Bengal
invaded the Brahmaputra valley but was dt feated and taken prisoner.
He died a captive and his army was totally annihilated. Long afterwards
in 1337, Mahmud Shah of Bengal also made an abortive attempt to con-
quer Kamrup.

22. Nirmal Kumar Basu, Assam in the Ahom Age : 1228-1826 ; Calcutta, 1970,
p 17.

72 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

TnJJlnnrA aD * ,, ra0ral c ° ura S e to guide the people. As a result,
India presented an equally dismal picture in 1175 when the Turks

t h e rM° U ™ ry u f ° r the , s ^ cond time » now under the leadership
of Shihabuddm Muhammad of Ghur or Ghor, better known as
Muhammad Ghori. Torn by mutual jealousies, dissensions and
other self-destructive tendencies, they failed to take concerted
action against the invaders and, in the consequence, were

5? UT 2r, t0 aust ’ * n °l u ' c ^ succession, under the iron heels of
the Turks.

The Defunct Military System

The military system of the Rajputs was out of date and old-
fashioned. There was no dearth of military talent or fighting skill
in the country but the Rajput princes exhibited utter lack of ima-
gination in the matter of military organisation. An average
Rajput soldier took pride in displaying his muscle-power and per-
sonal fighting skills but their leaders failed to harness them into a
compact and well-disciplined army on the bases of uniform
methods of training and provision of better armaments. The Rajput
armies suffered from lack of unitary command ; these were led by
their own feudal lords who sometimes did not cooperate or
coordinate their efforts with one another. The pride, prejudice and
the inflated ego of a Rajput forbade obedience to a leader belonging
to another clan or region. At many critical moments when
concentrated and unified action was needed in a battlefield for the
attainment of success, the Rajput commanders pursued their indi-
vidualistic plans and whims and thus neutralised the advantages
that they possessed over their foe. The Rajput chiefs failed to
keep themselves abreast of the latest developments in war strategy
that had been taking place in other countries, nor did they make
any contribution towards the development of its techniques. The
Hindu soldiers fought mainly with swords and spears while the
Muslims were excellent archers ; the former fought mostly on toot
while the latter used efficient cavalry.

The excessive dependence upon the war elephants and their
use in the advance guards proved disastrous for the Rajputs.
The beasts fled in terror when attacked fiercely by the Turkish
cavalry force, and trampled their own armies under their test.
Mahmud of Ghazni was fascinated by the sight of mighty elephants ;
he secured no less that 2,5' | 0 of these from India and made a
much better use of the beasts on the war fronts in central Asia.

The deep-rooted evil of caste system among the Hindus
restricted military duties to a particular class ; and the great mass

BETWEEN THE TWO HOLOCAUSTS

73

of the people were rendered psychologically unfit for military
service. They did not take interest in the political-cum-military re-
volution that shook the country to its very base. Every time the
Rajputs strove their best to check the advance of the invader but,
unsupported by the national will and the people at large, they failed
to hold out for long against the incessant attacks of the Turks.
The mightiest of the mighty chiefs collapsed after a couple of
military debacles ; very often a single bafle or the sudden death
of the Rajput leader was enough to signal total subjugation or
annihilation of the entire kingdom.

4

The Second Holocaust

(1175—1205)

The Shansabani Dynasty of Ghur

The real founder of the Turkish rule in northern India was
Shihabuddin alias Muizuddin, better known as Muhammad Ghori.
He belonged to the ruling house of Ghur in Afghanistan, the
mountainous region of Ghur or Ghor comprised the west-cen ra
part of modern Afghanistan between Ghazni and Herat A sma |
principality was set up by a Tajik chieftain of the Shansaban
family in the tenth century. It was conquered and made ieuda
tory 2 by Mahmud of Ghazni in circa 1009 a.d.

After Mahmud’s death, the Ghwnavid empire ] ^integrated
quickly under his weak successors. The Seljuk

1. The Tajiks were probably ° f ^anda"?" of Zuhakfa ifgeSy'pereiaS
dynasty was said to be a descendant

hero ‘ „ . rr .„ r was subjugated by Mahmud of

2. It was Muhammad bin Sun of Ghur j -o w | s a ‘Hindu’.

Ghazni. Utbi calls him Ibn Sun and te general term for

Perhaps, the word ‘Hindu’ wasused ^‘ik, Ahmad Nizami (ed.).
‘pagan’.— Refer to Muhammad Habib 5 clhi Sultanate", People’s

fssssirsz ?: ^ »= ^ p 147

3. Seljuk, a chief of j£ e .9. bu ? Jt'^-'an Independent prindpality in the

Kirghis steppes of Turkman) s <* “{L tils successors crossed the Oxus
region of Bukhara in the H central Asian territories of the

and conquered Khurasan and 1 othe T h crca fter, they marched on to
Ghaznavids, after the death of Mahmud.

Persia.

THE SECOND HOLOCAUST

75

them of central Asian possessions while, within Afghanistan, they
faced the most serious challenge from the Ghurids or Ghoris.
There ensued a long struggle between the ruling houses of Ghazni
and Ghor for the dominance of Afghanistan. 4 A highlight of this
struggle was temporary occupation of Ghazni by Alauddin
Husain 5 6 of Ghor, nicknamed Jahansoz — ‘the world burner’, who
plundered the town and then set fire to it. The fire which raged
for about a week, razed to the ground many magnificent monu-
ments, erected by Mahmud and his successors. It gave a death-
blow to the power and prestige of the Ghaznavids. They recovered
Ghazni from the Ghoris but were driven out from there soon
afterwards (c 1158) by the Ghuzz Turks (or Turkomans).

In 1173, Ghazni was conqueied from the Ghuzz Turks by
Ghiyasuddin® of Ghor, son of Bahauddin Sam, and nephew of
Alauddin Jahansoz. The victorious army was led by his younger
brother Shihabuddin Muhammad Ghori. He received appoint-
ment as governor of Ghazni and was permitted by Ghiyasuddin
to govern and expand his dominions as he pleased. Muhammad
Ghori thus became virtually an independent ruler, albeit he con-
tinued to show loyalty and allegiance to his elder brother during
his life time and struck coins and read the khutba in his name.

Indian Campaigns of Muhammad Ghori — His Objectives

After consolidating his hold over the kingdom of Ghazni,
Muhammad Ghori directed his attention towards the conquest of
India. Like Mahmud of Ghazni, he also led several expeditions
over a long period of thirty years. He was an ambitious and
capable military general, though not a genius like Mahmud of
Ghazni. He had strong imperial instincts. Unlike Mahmud,
his main objective was to establish an empire in India. The ex-
pansion of Islam and his ambition to glorify his name through
his military exploits could be said to be his secondary aims.

Loot and plunder was definitely not his aim albeit he took
care to acquire enough gold and silver as a booty or tribute from
the vanquished chiefs. It helped him in raising a strong army
for the defence of his Afghan dominions against the onslaught of
Khwarizm Shahs. 7

4. Bahram Ghaznavi murdered Malik Qutubuddin Hasan of Ghur.
Hasan’s brother Saiffuddin retaliated; he defeated Bahram and held pos-
session of Ghazni for a short while till its reconquest by the Ghaznavids.

5. The youngest brother of Saiffuddin and Hasan; died 1161.

6. Saiffuddin It the son and successor of Alauddin Jahansoz was supplanted
by his cousin Ghiyasuddin in 1163.

7. Khwarizm (mod. Khiva), a vast region of central Asia; bounded on the
west by the Caspian, on the east by Bukhara and the Oxus, and on the
south by Khurasan. It was conquered by the Ghaznavids from the

/0 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

As a shrewd empire-builder, Muhammad Ghori did not
pursue his campaigns ruthlessly nor in quick succession. Instead,
he launched every expedition with a set plan to serve his imperial
interests, and after every conquest, took pains to establish firm
military and civil hold over the acquired territories before takins
the next step forward. A couple of times, he received crushing
defeats at the hands of his enemies ; nevertheless, his personal
failures and shortcomings in resources did not waver him in his
faith as an empire-builder. He displayed an extraordinary pa-
tience, courage of conviction and fixity of purpose in the face of
difficulties. He fully exploited the weaknesses as well as virtues
of his Rajput adversaries and laid the foundations of a powerful
Muslim state in northern India.

Conquest of Multan, Sind and the Punjab

A novelty regarding Muhammad Ghori’s campaigns was that
he did not use the Khyber Pass as the route for making an
entrance into India as had been done by Mahmud of Ghazni.
Instead, he selected the Gomal Pass, situated to the w*est of Dera
Ismail Khan which was found to be ‘the safer and shorter
route.'.* It was possibly because of tw’o reasons. The Khyber
pass had been strongly defended by the. Ghaznavid rulers of
Lahore after they had been turned out of Afghanistan by the
Ghuzz Turkomans. Secondly, Muhammad Ghori intended to
avoid direct clash with the Ghaznavids. His plan seemed to be
to penetrate into Sind and Gujarat and from there into central
India, thus encircling the Ghaznavid dominions : and, subse-
quently, compelling the latter to acknowledge his suzerainty.

By virtue of the new route adopted by him, the kingdoms
of Multan and Uchh were ‘the first to fall on his way. These
were conquered by him from the karnuitia rulers m 1175. c
brought the conquered territories under his effective military con-
trol and set up an efficient civil administration there.

With Multan as ' the springboard, Muhammad Ghon led

attack on Gujarat in 1178 but was given a crushing e e.
its Chalukya ruler, Mulraj II ; the Turkish army perished m
misadventure.

an

by

this

8 '.

Samaoids; and from them it was snatched by die Seljuks. ^'t-rsinceihe

days of the Samanids, the local governor of Khwarizmi as spied Khw.
rizm Shah. One of these governors, named Anushtcgin dwlarcd himself
independent of the Seljuks. towards i he end of the eleven i h ccnmry. A
a much later time. Alauddin, the Shah of Khwar.zm 1^9-1220), annexed
Khuiasan from the Ghurids, t(ie successors o Muhammad Ghor . In
12U, he conquered Ghazni and knocked the Ghurids out of Afghanistan.

BVB, V, p 117.

THE SECOND HOLOCAUST

77

Thereafter, Muhammad Ghori had to revise his plans and
make an all-out effort to conquer the Punjab from the Ghaznayids.

, In 1179, he made a dash through the Khyber Pass, repulsed the
Ghaznavid forces and occupied Peshawar. He converted it into
a strong military base for the defence of the pass from the
Indian side.

In 1181, Muhammad Ghori invaded Lahore for the first
time. He failed to take it but forced a treaty on Khusrau Malik
who had to send his infant son as a hostage to the invader to
ensure the implementation of the ; treaty. It gave him a temporary
respite from the hostility of the Ghaznavid ruler. Muhammad
Ghori utilised this opportunity to march upon Sind. He led a
surprise attack on Debal and forced the Sumras to acknowledge
his suzerainty in 1 1 82. He acquired a huge booty as well as
tribute from Sind.

Muhammad Ghori marched with an army, in 1185, from
Peshawar along the foothills and conquered the northeastern
fringe of the Punjab, including the town of Sialkot. The latter
was, obviously, a pistol, aimed at the heart of Lahore ; Khusrau
Malik could ill-afford to lose it. He laid siege to Sialkot soon
after Muhammad Ghori’s return to Afghanistan. He was assisted
in this enterprise by the Khokars of the salt range. Muhammad
Ghori was, therefore, called upon to invade the Punjab for the
third time. Khusrau Malik raised the siege of Sialkot and shut
• himself in the fort of Lahore. Muhammad Ghori promptly laid a
siege to it but it was defended gallantly by the Ghaznavid soldiers.
Finding his victory in doubt, Muhammad Ghori resorted to
treachery. He pretended to open dialogue with Khusrau Malik
and release his son who had been taken hostage by him five
years earlier. Khusrau Malik was taken captive by the Ghurid
soldiers as soon as he came out of the fort. After this mishap,
the besieged garrison surrendered the fort without a fight. The
Punjab was declared annexed to the Ghurid empire and the
Ghaznavid dynasty came to an end. Khusrau Malik was sent as
a prisoner to Ghor and was put to death along with his captive
son in 1192.

Conquest of Delhi

After the annexation of the Punjab, Muhammad Ghori made
Lahore the base of his operations against the Rajputs. He
made thorough preparations for three years before challenging
Prithvi Raj Chauhan of Delhi and Ajmer. In 1189, he took
Bhatinda ( Tabarhind ) by storm and compelled the besieged
garrison to suirender before the arrival of reinforcements from
Delhi. He stationed 12,000 cavalry there under the charge of a
Turkish noble with the instructions to hold on against the Rajputs

78

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

for a couple of months until his return from Ghazni with a fresh
army. 9 Meanwhile, Prithvi Raj led an army 10 for the liberation
of Bhatinda. Muhammad Ghori encountered him (1190 a.d.) at
Tarain. 11 The Turks were beaten by the Rajputs ; Muhammad
Ghori himself was wounded seriously by Govind Rai, the younger
brother of Prithvi Raj. He was rescued, however, by a Khalji
soldier and taken back to Ghazni in a litter. 12 The victorious
Rajputs laid siege to Bhatinda ; the besieged Turkish -army held
out for thirteen months before laying down arms. It is a sad
commentary on the poor military organisation and the defective
war strategy of the Rajputs that they took so long to get back
their own fort from the hands of the Turks who had conquered it
from the former in a single sweep, a shortwhile ago.

Muhammad Ghori took his lieutenants to task 13 for this de-
bacle and made vigorous preparations 14 to avenge his defeat.
Next year, he marched upon India with 1,20,000 horsemen , the
adversaries met at Tarain once again to settle their accounts.

9.

10 .

11 .

12 .

13.

14 .

Comp, HI, V, p 159.

According to Firishta, he commanded twolakh cavalrv 30 000 elephants
and was accompanied by ‘all the Ranas of Hind . (Briggs, I, P )
viously, this is an exaggeration. M

there is a sharp controversy regarding the Jorai t,0n n ? f ,he olace with a
Habibbulah accepts Cunningham s if " tl ^‘ s" sa L F o U n P dation of the
village called. Torvan, between Bhat.ndaand ^ a]

Muslim Rule in India; op. cit., p 326. ? , i n ~ated it between Karnal
knoWn as Tarawari; Elphmstone, accordingly. ^d il ‘jg p 35 5.
and Thanesar. -History of India ; edited by E.B. Owen, P

According to Minhaj Govind Rm th ^ulfan^ urned 3 round is charger’s
and severely wounded his arm. The Su j d h vas una ble to

head and retreated. Due to the * agony of the ^“’ ground when a
remain seated on horseback and was about <o horsc) bchind , hc

lion-hearted warrior, recognised him sprang up ^ horse wJth his voice
Sultan and, supporting him in his arms, urg . NasM; op _ a! ,

and brought him out of the field ot battle

pp 118-19. ** eDisode. He write;

Firishta gives, however, a d'^^'.-^sln'the battlefield among the dead
that the wounded sultan lay unconsc.ous mlh at night . ‘During

and the dying soldiers and wasp eked «P u Oyn by turns . Next morning

the night they carried him ° n n ,^® d hta in a litter.’ Tarikhi Firishta.
they reached their camp and placed mm

op. cit., I, P 57. Ghurids, Khaljis and the

Muhammad Ghori P ublic ’y .^Sas ^ of expediency. Many

Khurasani amirs but spared the Afgha s^as. reIease d next year on having
of them languished in tbe J al ' 3 ; , ;Z. (e y j n t j, e war against the Rajputs and
shown their eagerness to participate n

wipe out the stigma of the previo . was < £0 overwhelmed with a

According to Firishta, Muhamma neither cat nor drink. He

sense of grief and humiliation that he wou c]o(hK that he wore next
did not go to his wife and did n °‘ * reDar ation’ to fight Prithvi Raj
to his skin. Day and n| ght, he sprat >n pr P q he took the road

Chauhan. Then, after a year s preparation,

to Hindustan ’. — Tprikh i Firishta; I, P 58.

THE SECOND HOLOCAUST

79

Ghori employed clever tactics to defeat the enemy. His four
divisions of 10,000 mounted archers engaged the Rajputs from all
the four sides, including their rear. They had special instructions
not to come very close to the enemy but to exhaust the Rajput
patience and energy by scattered engagements ; and make an
orderly retreat if pressed hard on any front. The reserves were
kept by him at a distance of several miles from the scene of
action ; he did not give an opportunity to the enemy to gauge his
real strength. When the Rajputs were nonplussed and disorganised
by the day-long skirmishes and hovering tactics of the ever-fleeing
Turkish archers, Muhammad Ghori thrust the reserves into the
battlefield and made a clean sweep of it. The entire Rajput army
was destroyed ; Govind Rai fell fighting while Prithvi Raj fled
the field but was caught and beheaded immediately or a little later.

The fall of Prithvi Raj Chauhan proved disastrous for the
Rajputs. Thousands of the gallant warriors were killed at Tarain ;
the vanguard of Rajput defences in the northwestern India was
liquidated. It exposed the incorrigible weaknesses of their military
and political set up and encouraged the Turkish invaders to
penetrate deep into the Gangetic valley.

The Turkish victory at Tarain did not lead, however, to the
fall of Delhi and Ajmer all at once. These towns were defended
stubbornly by those who had escaped the fury of Tarain.
Muhamad Ghori, therefore, deputed his brilliant slave general
Qutubuddin Aibek to take charge of the army of occupation and
himself returned to Ghazni.

Qutubuddin Aibek set up his military headquarters at Indra-
prastha, near Delhi and exerted his military-cum-diplomatic
pressure over the Rajputs to acknowledge the overlordship of
Muhammad Ghori. He extended support to Govind Raja, a young
and inexperienced son of Prithvi Raj Chauhan, to be the ruler of
Ajmer but attempted to create dissensions among the Rajputs
by advancing the claims of a Tumar prince over Delhi. The
Rajputs also adopted a conciliatory attitude towards Aibek albeit
they did not fall into his trap. Hari Raja, a - brother of Prithvi
Raj Chauhan, and an experienced general, supplanted his nephew
at Ajmer and launched a military campaign to regain control
over the lost dominions. However, the appearance of a Turkish
army in the vicinity of Ajmer foiled his plans. Ajmer was left
in the hands of Govind Raja who acknowledged suzerainty' of the
Turks.

Qutubuddin Aibek was anxious to conquer Delhi first. He
cut it off from Ajmer by taking possession of the highway between
the two and then laid siege to the fort of Delhi (1193 a.d.). Hard
pressed, the besieged Rajputs vacated the fort after a couple of
months and escaped through the enemy lines by making a sudden
assault.

80 advanced si udy in the history OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Penetration into the Gangetic Valley

Fiushed with victory at Delhi, Qutubddin Aibek Jed his army in-
to the Doab (the region lying between the Yamuna and the Ganges) >
and conquered Meerath (mod. Meerut ; 1193 a.d.) which belonged
to the Gahadavallas of Kanauj. Thereafter, he laid siege to
Baran (Bulandshahr) but the besieged Hindu garrison offered
stubborn resistance and compelled the Turks to raise the siege.
About this time, Aibek was recalled to Ghazni by his master
Muhammad Ghori, who had already given his daughter in
marriage to the former. Aibek stayed in Ghazni for about six
months and then returned to Delhi in early 1 1 94 after receiving
special instructions from Muhammad Ghori regarding their future
line of action. He launched a massive campaign of conquest in
the Doab. Baran and Koil (mod. Aligarh) were conquered by
him (1 194 a.d.) before the arrival of Muhammad Ghori with a well-
equipped force of 50,000 horsemen. Aibek’s contingent made
a junction with him and the combined armies marched towards
Varanasi (Benaras). Jai Chand, the Gahadavalla monarch inter-
cepted them at a place called Chandwar on the Yamuna between
Etawa and Kanauj. A bloody battle ensued in which the Rajputs
had an upper hand all through the day. Jai Chand, seated on a
mighty elephant, led the attack. Towards the evening, a chance
arrow struck him in the eye and he collapsed. This was a
signal for the Rajputs to disperse, thus converting their ‘possible
victory into a decisive defeat.’ 15 A large number of the Rajputs
who had fled the battle-field took shelter in the fort of Kanauj.
Harish Chandra, son of Jai Chand, declared himself the raja of
Kanauj and made appropriate arrangements for the defence of
the capital. With the death of Jai Chand, the backbone of the
Gahadavalla resistance had been broken but it was not possible - lor
the Turks to lay their hands on the whole of the Gangetic valley.
Muhammad Ghori, therefore, did not confront the Rajputs a
Kanauj; instead, the Turkish army hastened towards Varanasi
where the imperial treasury of the Gahadavallas was situated,
the habitats enroute being put to plunder. Varanasi and Asm
pillaged and military posts set up there. Muhammad Gho
for Ghazni thereafter with 1,400 camels laden with booty
primarily gold and silver. Aibek was left behind with the instruc-
tions to add to his territorial possessions slowly and steadily.

15. Barani styles raja Jai Chand of Kanauj as the ‘Rai of Benares’ and
explains the battle scene thus: ,

The Rai of Benares who prided himself c " JjL, <j “dead? wound from an
war elephants, seated on a lofty Aoiwto*,reccivcdadcaciy (h , thc
arrow, and fell from his exalted seat to earth H, ^ d t ‘commander,
earth. H is head was carried on the point ol a spear io
and his body was thrown to the dust of contempt. -Tar Ikh / Hroze
E&D, II, Aligarh reprint, p 221.

81

THE SECOND HOLOCAUST

The Conquests of Qutubuddin Aibek

Qutubuddin Aibek faced numerous revolts and other difficul-
ties in maintaining Tiis hold over the newly acquired territories
in the Gangetic valley. He not only suppressed these revolts with
an iron hand but also expanded the boundaries of his dominions.
The credit for the conquest of Ajmer, Kanauj and Kalinjar from
1 195 to 1203 goes to him.

The Dor Rajputs of Koil (Aligarh) revolted but were sup-
pressed with ease. Benaras and its adjoining territories were lost
to the Gahadavallas of Kanauj. Hari Rai Chauhan acquired
control of Ajmer from his nephew Govind Raja and re-established
himself as an independent ruler. He sent an army to liberate Delhi.
Aibek intercepted it near Ajmer itself and compelled it to retreat
to the fort, which was promptly besieged by the Turks. The
Rajput desperadoes offered a dogged resistance and perished to a
man in the struggle; their chief Hari Rai performed jauhar and
ended his life instead of falling into the hands of the Turks. The
conquest of Ajmer was a great achievement of Qutubuddin Aibek.
He appointed a Turkish governor with a strong military force at
Ajmer.

Muhammad Ghori brought a fresh army from Ghazni in
1195-96 to reinforce his Indian garrisons. It was placed at the
disposal of Qutubuddin Aibek. Bayana was conquered (1196 a.d.)
and put under the charge of a Turkish noble. Gwalior was
besieged but its Rajput chief Sulakshana Paul held out and, ulti-
mately, got rid of the Turks by the offer of a nominal submission.
The Turkish governor of Bayana, however, continued to exert
pressure upon Gwalior which was conquered by him between
1197-1200.

The Chauhan inhabitants of the Ajmer region did not recon-
cile themselves to the loss of Ajmer, once their imperial seat of
governance. They made yet another effort to liberate it with the
help of the Merh Rajputs of Malwa and the Chalukya volunteers
from Anhilwara. They defeated the Turkish garrison of Ajmer.
When Aibek rushed to its support, he was also defeated and
obliged to seek shelter within the fort. The chance arrival of a
fresh contingent from Ghazni, however, compelled the Rajputs to
raise the siege,

Qutubuddin Aibek retaliated by invading Anhilwara (1 196-97).
In an action, 15,000 Rajputs died fighting while 20,000 were taken
prisoners and enslaved. Anhilwara was sacked though the Turks
were turned out of Gujarat soon afterwards by the Chalukyas.
Undeterred, Qutubuddin carried fire and sword into the heart of
central India. The Chauhans were compelled to surrender all the
important footholds in the neighbourhood of Ajmer. In despair,
they migrated farther south and set up new states of Kota, Bundi
and Sirohi.

82

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MBDIEVAL INDIA

Aibek conquered Badaun (1197-98) from a Rashtrakuta prince
and appointed Iltutmish, one of his slave officers, to be its first
Muslim governor. In 1198-99, he turned out the Gahadavallas
trom Kanauj and reconquered Benaras. -

In 1202-03, Aibek invaded Bundelkhand. The Chandela
ruler Parmardi Deva was besieged in Kalinjar for many months.
Out of despair, he prepared to submit to the Turks but his
prime minister Ajayadeva put him to death out of indignation and
assumed leadership of the Chandela freedom fighters. They
continued the struggle against the besieging army for quite sometime
but were, ultimately, constrained to evacuate the fort when its
water-supply was cut off by the enemy; they were permitted a
safe passage by the Turks. After their victorious entry into
Kalinjar ; the Turkish armies acquired control of Khajuraho
and Mahoba as well. The defeat of the Chandelas established
the dominance of the Turks in central India.

Penetration into Bihar and Bengal (1197-1205)

The Turkish arms penetrated into Bihar and Bengal through
the enterprising efforts of Ikhtiyaruddin Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar
Khalji, a brilliant officer of Qutubuddin Aibek. After the fall of
the kingdom of Kanauj, Bakhtiyar Khalji was granted an estate in
the Gangetic valley along the western borders of Bihar, a Bud-
dhist province. On his own initiative, he started plundering
raids into Bihar and, within four or five years, occupied a large
part of it. He enjoyed full support from Aibek in this enterprise.
He sacked and destroyed the Buddhist monasteries, including
that of Nalanda, and put thousands of the bhikshus to the sword.
Many of them fled to Tibet and Nepal

In 1199, Bakhtiyar Khalji led an attack on Nadia (Nudiah,
Nudea, or Navadwipa), the capital of the Pala ruler Laksha-
mansena of Bengal. The latter fled the capital without a fight;

16. Minhajus Siraj narrates the story as follows:

Muhammad Bakhtiyar... suddenly appeared before the city of Nudia with
only eighteen horsemen, the remainder of his army was left to follow.
Muhammad Bakhtiyar did not molest any man, but went on peaceably and
without ostentation, so that no one could suspect who he was. The people
rather thought that he was a merchant, who had brought horses for sale.
In this manner he reached the gates of Rat Lakhmaniya s palace,
when he drew his sword and commenced the attack. At this time, tnc
Rai was at his dinner.. .All of a sudden a cry was raised at the gate of his
palace and r 'in the city. Before he had ascertained what had occurred,
Muhammad Bakhtiyar had rushed into the palace and put a number JUjm
to the sword. The Rai fled barefooted by the rear of the palace, and his
whole treasure, and all his wives, maidservants, attendants, and women
fell into the hands of the invader . — Tabaqai i Nastn; E & D, II, pp. 3 Oj~Vo.

THE SECOND HOLOCAUST

83

but he and his successors continued to rule over a part of Bengal
long afterwards. He died in 1206. Nadia was sacked by the
Turks and a few districts of Bengal (Malda, Dinajpur, Murshida-
bad and Birbhum) were occupied by them. Because of local
resistance, Bakhtiyar Khalji could not retain his hold over Nadia
and made Lakhnauti or Gaur as his capital. Having become
over-confident of the Turkish arms, Bakhtiyar Khalji invaded the
Brahmaputra valley with 10,000 horsemen. The Assamese tribes-
men surrounded them from all sides and destroyed the whole
army; the Khalji chief returned to Lakhnauti with hardly a
hundred Turkish survivors. Terribly shaken by the grief, he fell
ill and was done to death by one of his men in 1206.

The Last Days of Muhammad Ghori (1203-06)

Ghiyasuddin, the elder brother of Muhammad Ghori died in
1203 and the latter acquired an independent status as a ruler.
He assumed the title of Muizuddin. The last two years of his
reign were full of troubles and misfortunes. He .suffered a
humiliating defeat in 1 205 at the hands of the Shah of Khwarizm.
Soon afterwards, he heard the news of a revolt by Khokhars in
central Punjab. Hard pressed, Aibek appealed to Muhammad
Ghori for help. The latter came to the Punjab, crushed the
revolt and helped Aibek in restoring law and order. On his return
journey to Ghazni, he was encamped at Dhamyak (district Jhelum)
on the Indus when a party of the Khokhar dare-devils stealthily
entered his tent 17 and put him to death on March 15, 1206. 18

A Character Estimate

Muhammad Ghori was a man with a vision. He made a
correct estimate of the decadent political structure of India and
visualised the establishment of a Turkish empire here by all means.
It was the mission of his life and, needless to say, he fulfilled it
by virtue of his strong will-power and persistent efforts. Instead
of concentrating all the powers in his own hands, he diversified
the military functions and resources among his capable officers
and gave them freedom to chalk out their schemes of action. He
extended whole-hearted support to them in their enterprise and
came to their rescue with men and materials in time of need. He
thus converted the scheme for the establishment of Turkish rule
in India into a corporate activity of all of his generals. He
richly rewarded those who won laurels and reprimanded the
incapable officers who were quickly replaced by the more enter-
prising youthful upstarts. As a general, Muhammad Ghori was
no match for Mahmud of Ghazni but he was also not an

17. For detailed story, refer to Minhaj, Tabaqat i Nasiri, E & D, II, p. 294.

18. Muhammad Ghori, Bakhtiyar Khalji and the raja Lakshmansena of

Bengal, all died the same year{i.,e., 1206 A.D.).

84 advanced study in the history of MEDIEVAL INDIA

autocratic high-headed and self-willed leader like Mahmud
Muhammad Ghon did not inspire awe but confidence among his
generals and extracted their collective wisdom in the pursuit of
his clear-cut imperialist ideals. He gave full credit to his
heuternants for their accomplishments and did not eclipse their
stature by the imposition of his own personality cult. This was
a unique characteristic of Muhammad Ghori which he had
acquired as a social heritage from his elder brother Ghiyasuddiir
ot Ghur. With no male heir to succeed him, Muhammad Ghori
did not reserve the fruits of his achievements for the royal house-
hold and personal favourites but shared these with all the nobles
and slave officers who had played their role in carving out the
Ghori empire. He was an empire-builder par excellence.

Causes of Success of the Turks

I

- Toynbee, while analysing the circumstances leading to the
fall of the great civilisations, expresses the view that no ‘foreign
j invasion’ had ever been the cause of their collapse ; * it simply
gave the coup d' grace'}* The decadent political structure, the
I defunct military organisation, the stagnant Indian society with
its inherent socio-religious defects and economic imbalance which
created a gulf between the masses and the socio-political leader-
ship, have been discussed in detail in the foregoing pages of this
book. These carried the seeds of decay of the pre-Muslim
Indian society and its Rajput leadership. It was plagued, partic-
ularly, by the self-destructive characteristics— the neglect of a
sound political-cum-military machinery for collective self-defence,
the lack of a feeling of over-all national consciousness and mutual
warfare . 20 No wonder, it stood a very poor chance of survival
in the struggle against the Turkish invaders.

On the other hand, the Turkish invaders displayed superi-
ority over their Indian adversaries in many respects. They

19. In the terminology of Toynbee:

The criminal intent of.. .the Turks may have been fully as heinous as is
commonly alleged; but there is reason to doubt (he effectiveness o
criminal action; for there is reason to believe that the aIlcn s °

into which they plunged and replunged their swords wus the dy
suicide whose life-blood was already ebbing away through a self-
wound. — The Study of History; op. cit; IV, p. 71 & 98-lUU-

20. To quote Toynbee again:

...we observe that, about the middle of the twelfth century of the Chris-
tian Era, the Hindu powers.. .had fallen into an intern c c s n e va
one another ...If this fatal, division of the House of Hinduism aea»nst
itself that made it possible for the Turkish highwaymen to force an entry
...if in the twelfth century, the Rajputs had not tumrf their worts sut

cidally upon themselves, the Hindu world might e c ° nI ^“'dSo work

any undue drain upon its energies, to keep the Turks at bay and to wor
out its own destinies under its own control. .And fhds tbc vcrd^ct proves,
on appeal to be suicide instead of assassmation...ww. tv, p. iw.

the second holocaust

85

possessed better military organisation, discipline and coherence.
They invariably followed one leader and fully realised the value
of unity of command. Their leaders were well-acquainted with
the latest techniques of warfare, and they took keen interest in
updating their knowledge in this respect. The Turkish invaders
were fine archers who depended primarily on the use of efficient
and well-disciplined cavalry against the Rajput infantry. They
made intelligent use of the war strategies; they resorted to sham
fights, laid ambuscades, made sudden attacks, kept armies in
reserve and employed all means, fair or foul, to win the war. They
fought as desperadoes. They were conscious of the fact that
they had to fight in a foreign land; therefore, if defeated, they
might not be able to return alive to their country. (/ ,

^The Turkish invaders were full of religious zeal; they stood
to spread Islam by force of arms. They believed that if success-
ful in the holy war (jehad), this world would lie at their feet, other-
wise they would attain martyrdom in their death and go straight
to paradise (jannat). Thus the invaders fought for a cause while
the Rajputs had nothing better than clan or class interests to
defend.

The love for loot and plunder was, of course, a great
material incentive to the Turkish invaders to fight stubbornly.
They justly distributed the spoils among themselves and their
leaders on set principles. They received promotions and rewards
from their leaders for excellent performance in the war. Naturally,
every Muslim soldier, who took part in the expedition, had his
personal career and fortune at stake. No high office, not even
that of the Sultan or Supreme Commander of the forces, was
beyond the reach of a really capable soldier. They produced,
even from the ranks of their slaves, highly capable men like
Qutubuddin Aibek and Bakhtiyar Khalji, but for whose contri-
butions, Muhammad Ghori might not have been able to conquer
the whole of northern India during his life-time. Attracted by
the fabulous wealth of India and the love of adventure, thousands
of the Muslim youth from central Asia swelled the ranks of the
Turkish armies as ghazis who usually brought with them their
own horses and weapons of war; on the other hand, the military
resources of the Rajput chiefs were confined to their own princi-
palities, whose dimensions were sometimes not greater than those
of a modern Indian district. The Turkish commanders could
afford to' exercise qualit ative control over the selection of their \
soldiers whereas the Rajput princes had to be content with the \
addition to their numbers alone.

The Indians had to pay heavily not only for their faults but
also for their virtues of character. The Rajputs did not practise
treachery in warfare; they were generous and merciful to their

86

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

enemies. A Rajput would seldom attack his foe when the latter
was without adequate armament, or injured or fallen on the
ground; he would rather give him a fair chance to settle the
scores between the parties. A Rajput knew how to fight and
die a chivalrous death whereas the sole objective of a Turkish
soldier was to win by ho ok or by crook. The doctrine of ahimsa
or non-violence had made the Indians, in general, and the
Buddhists among them, in particular, human and peace-loving to
a fault. They displayed non-aggressive, rather non-defensive
attitude even in the face of the unscrupulous invaders and thus
fell an easy prey to their aggression. The , . eleventh and twelfth I
centuries presented the last phase of the^declining ancient Indian
civilisation and culture, during which Toynbee’s formula of
Beat— Rally— Rout ' 11 played its full circle. Throughout this period,
the uncreat ive political leadership of the Rajputs was faced by a
recurring challenge which it repeatedly failed to meet. At the
first holocaust (Mahmud of Ghazni’s invasions), the Rajput
polity of northern India suffered a serious setback from which it
never fully recovered; and at the next crisis (viz., Muhammad
Ghori’s invasions), it ‘went to pieces irretrievably’. The break-
down of their political and military structure was followed quickly
by the disintegration and decay of ancient Indian civilisation.
Toynbee describes this outcome as due to the ‘nemesis of
creativity’. To use his phraseology, the Rajput ‘leadership had
lost its claim to the mimesis of the society at large’ ; ‘nevertheless,
it insisted on imposing its will on the society’. It marked the
most fateful occurrence’ in the life-history of the Indian civilisation
because the Rajputs represented merely ‘the dominant minority
who had ceased to be creative in their outlook, were hardened
into some self-stiltifying idolatry— the ‘worship of the ghost o
the defunct polity’. They crumbled down to the dust before me
Turkish invaders owing to their ‘sin of pride’.* 2

21. Toynbee, VI, p.

22. ibid; IV, pp- 5, 129, 131-32, 245, 257-60.

5

Foundation of the Delhi Sultanate

1206-90

1: Qutubuddin Aibek

The Slave Dynasty

Muhammad Ghori had no male issue to inherit his empire;
albeit he had a passion for acquiring Turkish slaves whom he treat-
ed with affection and care. He provided opportunities to them to
develop their personalities and build their careers. It shows his
natural love and sympathies for the persons of his own race who
had suffered immensely at the hands of the Muslim invaders of
the Arabic and Persian stocks as' well as the ‘infidel’ Mongols.
By purchasing Turkish youth, Muhammad Ghori, in fact, liberated
them from the clutches of others and afforded them royal patronage;
in return, he received immense affection and unqualified service
from them. Many of these slaves rose to prominence as military
generals who earned reputation for courage, fighting skills and
organisational abilities. They served their master with loyalty and
helped him in expanding the boundaries of his empire; they were
devoted to the tasks entrusted to them. Muhammed Ghori is said
to have once remarked that these slaves were his sons who would
inherit his name, fame and the fortunes of his empire . 1

Qutubuddin Aibek was one of these trusted slave officers of
Muhammad Ghori. After the latter’s death, Aibek inherited his

1. Book no. xx of the Tabaqat i Nasiri, entitled “The Muizziya Sultans of
Hind” (pages 137 to 165 of the text), opens with the following paragraph:

This chapter is devoted to the history of those kings who were the slaves
and servants of the Sultan Ghazi Muizzuddin Muhammad Sam (Muham-
mad Ghori), and sat upon the throne of royalty in the country of Hindu-
stan. The throne of that king descended to them, as he had designed and
as is mentioned above. They adorned their heads with the crown of
royalty which had belonged to that king, and the influence of the light of
Islam was preserved through their power over different parts and provinces
of Hindustan. — Refer to E&D, II, Aligarh reprint, p. 295.

°° ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Indian possessions and set up as an independent ruler with his
headquarters at Lahore. He thus laid the foundation of the first
independent Turkish kingdom in northern India whose boundaries
extended from north-west frontier to Bihar and Bengal in tiie east.
It was untagged by Aibek from the apron-strings of the Ghaznavid
empire.

Qutubuddin Aibek is called the founder of what is known in
Indian history as the Slave or Mamluk 2 Dynasty which ruled
northern India from 1206 to 129 ; it produced nine rulers. There
is some justification for this nomenclature because at least three
rulers of the line — Qutubuddin Aibek, Shamsuddin Iltutmish and
Ghiasuddin Balban, had originally been slaves who imparted a
nickname to the earliest Turkish sultans of India. Otherwise, the
term Slave or Mamluk Dynasty is literally incorrect and histori-
cally false. A person cannot be a slave and a king at the same
time. With the exception of Aibek, who received formal manumis-
sion after his accession to the throne, the other two — Iltutmish and
Balban, had been manumitted by their masters long before assum-
ing sovereign powers. All the other rulers of the line were free-
men, rather princes by -th'eir own birth-right.

It is also wrong to club all the nine rulers of this period (1206-
90) under one dynasty; they actually belonged to three distinct
ruling houses — the Qutbi Dynasty (1206-1 1) founded by Qutubuddin
Aibek, the first Ilbari or Shamsi Dynasty (121 1-66), known after
Shamsuddin Iltutmish, and the second Ilbari Dynasty (1266-90),
founded by Ghiasuddin Balban.

Early Career of Aibek

Qutubuddin was a Turk of the Aibek tribe which, in Turkish
language, means ‘Lord of the Moon’. 3 It was so named because
of the handsome and attractive features of its men and women,
though Qutubuddin himself was rather ugly in appearance,
was taken prisoner and sold as a slave while yet a boy, to -

hearted qazi of Nishapur (Persia). He received e£ * uc . a . '° ,
Islamic theology and learnt horse-riding and swordsmanship g
with the sons of his master. After the death

of the latter, his sons

•2. lit. ‘owned’ — from Arabic maluk, to possess ; mamluk was the Qurani
term for a slave.

3. ai — ‘the moon’ and bek — ‘the lord’. ( . rm Aibek.

Minhajus Siraj gives an -interesting interpretation n . . ddin was bro-
He states that.the little or middle finger (khmsar) j n the

ken from his hand; therefore, he was nicknamed Aibek - maimco m
hand * — Tabaqat i Nasiri; p, 296. ,

Elliot refuses to accept theabove-mentioned statement o f Mmh J, c a
challenees the meanings of Aibek as deduced by the latter from some
doubtful Persian roots. He regards Aibek to be the g belonged,

well-known Turkish tribe of those days to which Qutubuddin beiongc

ibid.

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

89

sold him off to Muhammad Ghori. Aibek caught the fancy of his
new master because of his martial qualities and intelligence. Very
shortly, he was promoted amir i akhur — ‘the master of the royal
stables’. He rose to prominence during the Indian campaigns
of Muhammad Ghori. After his victory over Prithvi Raj III, the
Chauhan ruler of Delhi and Ajmer, in 1192, Muhammad Ghori
appointed Aibek as the viceroy of his Indian possessions. He set
up his military headquarters at Indraprastha, near Delhi, and
extended the dominions of his master by continuous warfare against
•the Rajput chieftains of northern India, an account of which has
already been given in the preceding chapter of this book. Aibek
strengthened his position by entering into matrimonial alliances
with other distinguished nobles of Muhammad Ghori. Tajuddin
Yaldoz, the leader of all the slave officers of Muhammad Ghori,
gave his daughter in marriage to Qutubuddin at the bidding of
his imperial master. Aibek gave his sister in marriage to
Nasiruddin Qabacha, another slave officer of Muhammad Ghori
who held charge of Sind. Qutubuddin’s daughter was married to
lltutmish, one of his own Turkish slave officers. Aibek raised a
huge standing army and, during the life-time of Muhammad Ghori,
established his hold practically over the whole of northern India.

Accession to the Throne

Muhammad Ghori could not name his successor because of
his sudden death; his empire was, therefore, parcelled out among
the Ghurid nobles and slave officers. More than three months after
the death of Muhammad Ghori, Qutubuddin Aibek assumed reigns
of government as independent ruler at Lahore on June 24, 12t)6.
He started his reign with the modest titles of ‘malik’ and
‘sipahasalar’ which had been conferred upon him by Muhammad
Ghori much earlier. He did not strike coins nor got the khutba
read in his name. He did not assume the title of sultan either;
it was because he had not received formal manumission from
Muhammad Ghori and, as a shrewd man, he did not want to
arouse the jealousies of Turkish nobility as- well as the Muslim
populace by assuming royal insignia while still technically a slave
in the eyes of the Islamic law. In 1208-09, Aibek went to Ghazni
at the invitation of its people and held it under his occupation for
a shortwhile. It was there that Ghiasuddin Mahmud, the nephew
and legal successor of Muhammad Ghori, who was content with
his rule over the ancestral principality of Ghur, sent deeds of
manumission and investiture to Qutubuddin and conferred upon
him the title of ‘Sultan’.

Aibek as a Ruler

Qutubuddin Aibek was a brave, energetic and capable military
general. He rendered a yeoman’s service to Muhammad Ghori

50 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

in the eonqucst of northern India and founded the first independ-
ent Turkish dynasty; he ruled for four years only. During this
period, he did not make fresh conquests because his entire attention
was devoted to the establishment of law and order and strengthen-
ing of his army of occupation. His main objective was to establish
separate entity of the infant Turkish state in India whose existence
depended upon its military strength and the fixation of its specific
frontiers. Tn order to achieve this objective, he kept himself aloof
from the central Asian politics and offered tough resistance to the
rulers of Ghazni and other Turkish nobles, including Tajuddin
Yaldoz, who preferred their claims of sovereignty over Hindustan.
Qutubuddin Aibek established friendly relations with the rival
Turkish nobles and slave officers of Muhammad Ghori who held
important military-cum-political assignments in India, and brought
them under his subordination through persuasion or force. He
avoided clash with the Rajput chiefs who were eager lo recover
their lost territories and regain independence. Soon aftarhis
accession to the throne, the Chandelas recovered Kalinjar and the
Pratihars snatched Gwalior from the hands of the Turks. Similarly,
the Gadahavalla chief Harish Chandra, reoccupied some territories
in the Badaun region but Aibek could do pretty little about it.
Large areas, within the heart of the Turkish dominions, were held
by the Hindu chieftains whom Aibek failed to bring under his
effective control. His task was only half-done when, in 1210, he
died of a sudden fall from a horse at Lahore while playing Chaugan
(polo). He was buried at Lahore.

Though not a brilliant administrator, Qutubuddin Aibek
protected the life and property of his subjects and laid the rudi-
ments of civil administration through the agency of his military
officers. Local administration was left in the hands of the village
panchayats and other local agencies of the pre-Muslim era. He
granted partial civil liberties to the Hindus in return for the pay-
ment of Jaziya and was known as the ‘just monarch among his
co-religionists.

Qutubuddin Aibek was a man of letters; he possessed high
moral character and refined tastes. He extended patronage to e
learned; Hasan Nizami and Fakhre Mudir dedicated their books
to him. Very generous and kind-hearted, Qutubuddin Aibek earned
the title of lakhdata or lakhbaksh (giver of lakhs) because of
liberal distribution of money in charity tothepoorandtheneedy.
v He showed some taste for architecture by building two mosques,
one at Delhi and the other at Ajmer. He la ! d n %. f ?“ n r ^ a n t ‘?" 1 ° f
the first of the so-called ‘seven cities’ of medieval Delhi by construct-
ing buildings in the vicinity of the old Rajput fort, called Qila

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

91

Rai Pithaura. He started the construction of the Qutub Minar
(in 1199 a.d.), the tallest stone tower in India (238 feet in height)
after the name of Khwaja Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, a famous
Sufi saint of his times; it was completed by Iltutmish.

Qutubuddin Aibek was succeeded by his inexperienced and
incapable son Aram Shah who ruled at Lahore for about eight
months before being defeated and deposed by Iltutmish.

2: The Shamsi or the First Ilbari Dynasty

Sliamsuddin Iltutmish (1211-36)

Early Career and Accession : Shamsuddin Iltutmish 4 was a
slave of Qutubuddin Aibek. His father 5 was an influential noble
of the Ilbari tribe of the Turks. Being handsome and intelligent,
Iltutmish excited the jealousy of his half-brothers who deceitfully
handed him over to a slave-trader. After passing through many
hands, he was, ultimately, purchased by Qutubuddin Aibek in
Delhi at an exorbitant price of one lakh jitals. 6 Iltutmish seems
to have acquired good education and wide knowledge of the
Islamic world during the early days of his adversity. That is why
he quickly rose to be the amir-i-shikar and son-in-law of his
master within a decade. He was governor of the iqtas of Gwalior
and Baran (Bulandshahr) in succession. In 1206, he held the charge
of Badaun as one of the most trusted lieutenants of Aibek.
He was manumitted by Aibek long before the latter received
such formal manumission himself. It was done in 1205-06 at the

4.

5.

6 .

A Turki word which meant ‘saviour of the kingdom’; it was synonymous
with alamgir or Jahangir; its Persian version was Allamish or Altamsh.
Elam (Ilam or Yelam) Khan.

Equivalent to about two thousand silver tankas.

K.A. Nizami opines that ‘some enterprising slave-merchants carefully picked
up a few of the most promising young Turkish slaves and trained them
not for menial work. ..but for the service of the kings and governors, t hese
selected slaves were generally brought up with the sons of their master, t>u
spending money on their education was an investment that paid itseit many
times over, and a slave-merchant would have considered this expenditure
an unnecessary waste in the case of his sons. They had to be taugh a
subjects necessary for government. ..what the kings and high officers want d
were Turkish slaves to whom proper military and academic instruction nau
been given and who could be appointed to a responsible office alter a lew
years of probation’. — Comp. HI; V, pp. 196-97.

y advanced study in THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

instance of Muhammad Ghori 7 who was deeply impressed by the
performance of Iltutmish in the campaign against the Khokhars.
It is all the more interesting because Muhammad Ghori himself
had never bothered to issue formal letters of manumission for
his own slave generals, including Tajuddin Yaldoz, Nasiruddin
Qabacha and Qutubuddin Aibek.

The Turkish nobility of Delhi did not approve of the heredi-
tary succession of Aram Shah, an incompetent and unpopular ruler.
They invited Iltutmish from Badaun to assume their leadership as
Sultan. Aram Shah refused to abdicate but was defeated and
deposed by Iltutmish in 121 1.

Real Founder of the Delhi Sultanate : Iltutmish was the
real founder of the Delhi Sultanate. He made Delhi
his seat of governance in preference to Lahore and proved
to be a very strong and capable ruler who enjoyed a long
reign of twenty-six years. He strengthened the foundations of
the infant Turkish state in northern India by saving it from
internal forces of disintegration and external dangers. With effect
from 1211, the centre of political gravity shifted from Kanauj
to Delhi which came to occupy premier position as the capital of
Hindustan. Delhi continued to enjoy this privileged status
throughout the medieval period for over five hundred years.®

7.

In this connection, Minhajus Siraj narrates the following story:

When Sultan Muizzudin Muhammad Sam returned from Khwarizm, after
being defeated in the battle of Andkhod by the armies of Khita, the Kokhar
(Gakkar) tribes broke out in rebellion, and the Sultan marched against them
from Ghazni. Qutubuddin, according to his orders, brought up an army
from Hindustan, and Shamsuddin (Iltutmishj accompanied him with the
forces of Badaun. In the height of the battle, Shamsuddin rode into the
stream of Jailam, where that rabble had taken refuge, and exhibited great
bravery, galling the enemy so with his arrows that he overcame tneir
resistance, and sent them from the tops of the waves into the deptns
of hell; they drowned and entered fires.

The Sultan (Muhammad Ghori}, in the midst of the battle, observed his
feats of daring and courage, and enquired who he was. When His majesty
was enlightened upon this point, he called him into his presence and Hon-
oured him with especial notice. Qutubuddin was ordered to treat Aituamsn
well, as he was destined for great works. His majesty then ordered we
deed of his freedom to be written out and graciously granted him his nocriy.
— Tabaqat i Nasiri; p. 319.

Delhi was eclipsed by the emergence of Calcutta as the headquarters of the
East India Company’s government with effect from 1765 A. D. wnen tnc
latter received its de jure recognition from the fugitive Mughal emperor bnan
Aiam II. Nevertheless, Delhi continued to be the capital of the Later
Mughals right upto the outbreak of the Great Revolt of 1857-58. me
iransfer of the capital from Calcutta to Delhi by the British Indian govern-
ment in 1911 led to the revival of the imperial glory of that histone town,
rhe seat of governance of the Sultans was called Dar-u I khtlafa, wiucn ut-
irally means ‘House of the Khalifa’.

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

93

Rival Turkish Nobles: The weak, though brief, rule of Aram
Shah had encouraged the disruptive and rebellious tendencies
among the Turkish nobles ; it threatened the disintegration of the
newly founded Turkish state in India. Inspite of his victory
over Aram Shah and the popular support of the Turkish
nobility of Delhi, Iltutmish’s accession to the throne did not
go unchallenged. Nasiruddin Qabacha, the governor of Uchh
(Sind) and Multan occupied Lahore as well and declared his
independence. Ali Mardan Khalji. who had succeeded to the
governorship of Bihar and Bengal on the death of Muhammad
Bin Bakhtiyar Khalji in 1206, also stopped sending the tribute to
Delhi. Tajuddin Yaldoz (the father-in-law of Qutubuddin Aibek),
now the Sultan of Ghazni, tried to assert his political domi-
nance over Iltutmish by sending him the royal canopy ( chhatr ) and
robes of honour at the time of his accession. 9 As a shrewd
diplomat, Iltutmish pocketed the insult for a shortwhile albeit
he never permitted Yaldoz to encroach upon his Indian possessions.

Liquidation of Tajuddin Yaldoz ( 1215-16 ) : As luck would have
it, Yaldoz himself was defeated and driven out of Ghazni by
Alauddin Muhammad, the Khwarizm Shah, soon afterwards. He
retreated towards the Punjab and laid claim to the throne of
Delhi on the basis of being the seniormost Ghurid officer. Iltut-
mish gave him a crushing defeat at Tarain; Yaldoz was taken
prisoner and put to death after a brief confinement at Badaun.
It was a sreat achievement of Iltutmish; it eliminated one of his
most serious rivals from the scene of action and also saved
the Turkish sultanate of Delhi from the foreign domination of
Ghazni.

Defeat of Nasiruddin Qabacha {1217 A D-) : After the defeat of
Yaldoz at the hands of Iltutmish, Nasiruddin Qabacha occupied
Lahore once again. On being challenged by Iltutmish at the head
of a large army, he, however, retreated towards Multan.
Iltutmish gave him a hot chase and defeated him at Mansura,
on the banks of the river Chenab. Iltutmish refrained, however,
from marching upon Sind because of his anxiety to safeguard
the north-west frontier in the face of the rapidly deteriorating
political situation in central Asia. Qabacha, therefore, con-
tinued to rule over Sind almost as an independent ruler till his
death in 1227.

Mongols on the North-western Frontier ( 1220-24 ) : Iltutmish
received, in 1220-21, the alarming news of the Mongol menace in
central Asia. They were the nomadic hordes who descended
from ‘the uplands of Tartary’ and spread fire and sword in the
Islamic world under the leadership of Chengez Khan. The

9. Minhaj, Tabaqat i Nasiri; pp. 319-20.

94

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Mongols had not yet entered the fold of Islam ;they
nists by faith, which was a varied form of Buddhism.

were shama-

Alauddin . Muhammad, the Khwarizm Shah, one of the
greatest Muslim monarchs of his age, had to eat a humble pie at
their hands; he fled towards the Caspean while his eldest son,
Jalaluddin Mankbarni escaped towards Afghanistan. The latter
was followed close upon his heels by Chengez Khan. Mankbarni
entered the Indus valley and demanded help from Jltufmish
against the Mongols. The latter put his' envoy to death and
refused to oblige the Khwarizm prince by sending a diplomatic
reply that the climate of India would not suit him; at the same
time, he resisted Mankbarni’s advance towards Delhi by show of
force. Mankbarni forged an alliance with the Khokhars of the
salt range by marrying the daughter of their chief 10 and invaded
Sind where he came into clash with Qabacha to the great relief of
Iltutmish.

Iltutmish did not allow Delhi to be drawn into the central
Asian politics. By his diplomatic stroke, he saved himself from
the wrath of Chengez Khan and the country from the fury of
his Mongol hordes. The scorching heat of the Indian summer
was not to the taste of the Mongols who retraced their step
towards central Asia. Some of them, however, made settlements
beyond the Indus and proved a source of nuisance to the sultanate
later on. * Having failed to establish a foothold on the
Indian soil, Mankbarni also left for Khurasan, his homeland, in
1224. Iltutmish was so much scared of the Mongol terror that,
until after the death of Chengez Khan in 1227, he did not launch
any military expedition for the occupation of the western Punjab
or Sind.

Had Changez Khan decided to march upon India in 220-21,
the infant Turkish sultanate of Delhi would have collapsed and
disappeared for ever.

Recongues, of Multan anil Sind (1227-28) : I**™* »

sigh of relief when he heard of the death of Chengez Khan in
1227. It was then that he launched an offensive against N»
Qabacha from two sides-Lahore.and Delhi ^han and Uchh
were captured and Qabacha was besieged in

on the bank of the Indus. Surrounded from a H s ides by the

enemy and totally exhausted, Qabacha made is Sumra ruler

by plunging into' the river, and was drowned. The Sumra ruler
of Debal principality hastened to acknowledge the suzeramty ol

10. Rai Khokhar Sankin,

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

95

Iltutmish soon after. Ututmish placed the provinces of Multan
and Sind under the charge of two separate .governors.

Reconquest of Bihar and Bengal: At the time of Ututmish’s
succession to the throne, AH Mardan had set up as an indepen-
dent ruler of Bengal with his capital at Lakhnauti. He was put
to death, because of his oppressive rule, by his own rebellious
officers who raised Hasanuddin Iwaz Khalji to the throne. The
latter assumed the title of Sultan Ghiyasuddin and proved to be
a very successful ruler. He conquered Bihar, suppressed the
refractory Hindu chieftains and earned a name for himself for his
public welfare activities. In 1225-26, southern Bihar was re-
covered by Iltutmish who appointed Malik Alauddin Jani to be
its governor; Ghiyasuddin also accepted nominal suzerainty of
Delhi. Soon after Iltutmish’s return, however, Ghiyasuddin
repudiated the agreement and reoccupied Bihar. Thereupon,
Nasiruddin Mahmud, the eldest son Gf Iltutmish, then governor
of Oudh, launched a surprise attack upon Lakhnauti in 1226,
and conquered it; Ghiyasuddin was defeated and put to the
sword. Iltutmish appointed his son to be the viceroy of Bihar and
Bengal but the sudden death of the latter led to yet another
uprising at Lakhnauti which was suppressed by Iltutmish himself
in 1230-31. In order to bring the region under his effective
control, Iltutmish appointed two separate governors, one for
Bengal and the other for Bihar.

Conflict with the Rajputs : The Hindus of the Gangetic valley
and central India were not reconciled to the loss of their
independence. Some of their leaders took up arms against the
Turkish forces of occupation immediately after the death of
Muhammad Ghori. Qutubuddin Aibek avoided direct confronta-
tion with them and suffered the loss of towns like Kanauj,
Benaras, Kalinjar and Gwalior. Aram Shah’s weak rule further
encouraged them to reconquer their lost territories. The Turkish
armies were turned out of Rajputana. During the fifteen years
of his reign, Iltutmish also failed to take any action against them
because of his conflict with the rival Turkish nobles and preoccupa-
tion with the north-west frontier problems. He launched a full-
fledged campaign against the Rajputs in 1226. Ranthambhor
was recovered from the Chauhans first : Mandsor, the head-
quarters of the Parmars, was acquired next. The Chauhan ruler
of Jalor was compelled to acknowledge Turkish suzerainty. There-
after, the territories of Bayana, Ajmer and Sambhar were
reconquered after many a bloody engagement with the Rajputs.
A big slice of Jodhpur state, including the town of Nagaur, was
annexed by 1230. The Parihar ruler of Gwalior was subjugated
m 1230-31 after a year-long siege of the fort. Iltutmish led an
attack on Nagada, the capital of Guhilots but suffered a defeat at
the hands of Rana Kshetra Singh. Iltutmish’s army was also
repulsed with heavy losses by the Chalukyas of Gujarat.

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ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Nevertheless, he carried out an expedition into Mahva in 1214-35
and plundered the towns of Bhilsa and Ujjain.

The campaign in the Gangetic valley was launched under
the charge of Nasiruddin Mahmud, the eldest son cf Iltutmish.
The territories of Badaun, Kanauj and Benaras were conquered
from the Hindu chieftains. Katehar (Rohilkhand), with its capital
Ahichhatra, was also conquered after a long struggle ; more than
a lakh of the Turkish soldiers are said to have lost their lives
in this campaign.

In 1235. Iltutmish made an attempt to bring the Khokhars -
under his subjugation ; the town of Baniyan, which constituted
the nucleus of their power in the salt range, was taken albeit the
Khokhars showed no signs of appeasement. Exhausted by con-
tinous warfare, Iltutmish fell sick, returned to Delhi and breathed
his last in April 1236. He was buried in the magnificent tomb
which he had got constructed for himself in Delhi.

An Estimate

Iltutmish was -not a great administrator ; he created no civil
institutions. His was a military dictatorship like that of Aibek
but with the difference that all the reigns of government were
concentrated in his own hands. Iltutmish laid the foundation of an
absolute monarchy of the Turks in northern India. He made all
the key-appointments of central ministers and regional military
governors himself ; the wazir (prime minister), sadr i jahart (head
of the ecclesiastical affairs) and the chief qazi held office during
his pleasure, and were responsible to him directly. He did not
permit the Turkish nobility to interfere in the state affairs beyond
certain limits. The disaffected and insubordinate Ghurid (Muizzi)
or Qutbi officers were gradually downgraded or eliminated.
Iltutmish created an entirely new class of the ruling elite which
comprised his own Turkish slave officers,- headed by their forty
powerful military leaders — nicknamed the chalisa (Chihalgani or
Chehalgan), ‘the Forty’. They held charge of the iqtas or regions
into which the kingdom was divided, and wielded great influence
at the court. Iltutmish secured a letter of investiture from the
Abbasid Caliph Al-Mustansir Billah of Baghdad in February 1229,
who bestowed the titles 11 of the ‘Sultan of Hindustan’ and the

11. Great significance has been attached to this incident by the contemporary
historians. Minhajus Siraj narrates it as follows:

When His Majesty (Iltutmish) returned from that fort (Uchh), the com-
piler (Minhaj) also came to Delhi. ..with the victorious army of that evin-
cible king, and reached the city in the month of Ramazan AH 625 (Aug-
ust 1228). At this time, messengers bringing splendid robes from the
seat of the Khilafat reached the frontiers of Nagorc, and on Monday, the
2nd of the Rabiulawwal AH 626, they arrived at the capital, and the city

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

97

‘deputy of the leader of the faithful’ (nasir amir ul momnin). It
accorded a legal recognition and spiritual sanction to the Sulta-
nate of Delhi as a distinct entity, independent of Ghazni. It also
strengthened his position and ensured the succession of his
offsprings to the throne. All those who had hitherto dubbed him
as the usurper to the throne and cast aspersions on his rule were
silenced. Iltutmish was thus the first legal sovereign of the Indian
Turks and real founder of the Sultanate of Delhi. The investi-
ture ceremony was celebrated in Delhi with great rejoicings.

Iltutmish strengthened the forces of law and order in the’
state, allowed the local administrative bodies to function as before
and administered even-handed justice according to the Islamic
standards of those days. He introduced a purely Arabic currency
of gold and silver ; his standard silver tanka weighed 175 grains.

Though orthodox sunni and devoted to the faith, Iltutmish was
not a fanatic. He persecuted the lsmaili shias of Delhi and his
treatment towards the Hindus was harsh but not cruel. He had
desecrated the magnificent Hindu temples at Bhilsa and Ujjain but
he did not resort to idol-breaking just to satisfy the whims of
his fanatic co-religionists. He adopted a policy of moderation
towards the Hindus as a measure of political expediency and tried
to win their cooperation in running the administration. He
encouraged the Muslims to make settlements in the Hindu habitats,
particularly, in the mountainous and forest regions so as to exert
pressure over the Hindus and discourage them from harbouring
rebellious feelings towards the Sultanate.

Iltutmish was a patron of art and learning. Because of the
Mongol upheavals in central Asia, hundreds of Muslim theolo-
gians, scholars and artists fled their hearths and homes and
sought shelter in Delhi ; Amir Khusrau’s father was one of them.
Iltutmish extended liberal patronage to them and enriched the
cultural life of the ruling elite. He completed the construction of
Qutab Minar and enjoyed his association with the sufi saints of
the day.

was adorned by their presence. The king and his chief nobles and his
sons and other nobility and servants were all honoured with robes sent
from the metropolis of Islam. — Tabaqat: i Nasiri ; p 322.

Hasan Nizami adds to the information in the following words:

• •-a dress of honour was received from the Imam Mustansir Billah by the
Sultan (Iltutmish), accompanied by a diploma, confirming him in the
kingdom of Hindustan, with the title of the great Sultan. He received
the diploma with deep respect and appointed the following day, namely
the 23rd Rabiulawwal, 626 H (February 1229 AD), for a general assem-
bly, in which the farman was read out in the presence of the king, the
princes and nobles. It declared that he was confirmed in the possession of
‘the land and sea which he had conquered’. Robes were bestowed upon
the ambassadors, the chiefs, the nobles, in honour of the event, and great
joy prevailed upon the occasion throughout the capital. — Tajul Ma'asir;
E & D; II, Aligarh reprint, p. 243.

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ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Iltutmish was a man of courage and foresight. He unified
the Turkish leadership under one central authority and saved the
infant sultanate from disintegration. He protected it from the
fury of the Mongols and gave a legal and independent status to
it in the comity of the Islamic states. He was an empire-builder
who strove to accomplish the unfinished task of Qutubuddin
Aibek in laying the foundations of the Delhi Sultanate.

3: Successors of Iltutmish

The Turkish Power-politics and the Problem of Succession

There was no fixed law of succession in the Islamic polity.
Occupation of the throne depended on the general law of nature—
‘the survival of the fittest’. It was, perhaps, the single major
factor which had led to the rapid expansion of the Muslim arms
in various parts of the world ; it afforded ample opportunities to
the ambitious and capable military generals to carve out vast
empires for themselves. It facilitated the rapid spread of
Turkish arms in northern India under the leadership of Muhammad
Ghori and his brilliant slave officers. Qutubuddin Aibek laid
the claim to his master’s heritage on this very account. The con-
cept of an all-powerful hereditaiy ‘sultan’, among the lurkish
nobility of India, was still in its initial stage of evolution. Ihe
political power was concentrated in the hands of Turkish 0 ce '"

of Muhammad Ghori, generally called the Muizze or \uri
Ghori nobles. Within themselves, Jthey could roughly be classified
into three categories. The Ghurids proper were the kmsmen o
Muhammad Ghori and members and relations of h, f ““J™ 1
clan. The Tazik Turks were the freemen, the Turkish lmmigran
who had come to India of their choice and sought P atr0 ^ e °[
Muhammad Ghori and his lieutenants ; they constituted f

microscopic section of the Turkish nobility. rhori • thev

comprised the Turkish slave officers of Muhammad Ghori .they

were most numerous and influential among
Muhammad Ghori himself had put greater far . Qutlfbuddln
officers and shown preference to them over the others . Qutubuddin
Aibek who inherited his Indian possessions, g

category.

In the struggle for political dominance, the Turkish slave

officers of Qutubuddin Aibek, caUed the Qutbn nobles came ^
acquire a premier position among the nob J'2 r ®
of their master ; Shamsuddin Iltutmish was r ^ the P Tur ki s h
tive. Iltutmish, m turn, created a new , officers,

nobility which comprised his own .P ^tc^the name of
They were referred to as the S h an ? s ' ’ , ut u tmish T s

their master. After some time, during y y

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

99

reign, forty of these slave officers constituted the top leadership
among the Shamsi nobles who held all the important portfolios
as state ministers and regional military governois, they earned
the nickname of the Chalisa— ‘the Forty’. They helped Iltutmish
itl the consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate.

The Rule of ‘the Forty ’ 12

It was primarily because of the loyalty and unstincted support
of his slave officers that Iltutmish felt himself secure on the throne
and thought of ensuring the succession of his children, thus
making the monarchy an hereditary institution. This was perhaps
too much to expect from his ex-slaves who constituted the real
power behind the throne. Their loyalty to the person of Iltut-
mish was unquestioned, albeit they consideredJhemselves to be
the partners in the state enterprise which was the outcome of
their collective contribution. They, therefore, could not recon-
cile themselves to the principle of hereditary monarchy in prefer-
ence to that of selection on merit and capability— the very princi-
ple on which Iltutmish had once acquired the throne for himself.
That is why, after the death of Iltutmish, there ensued a grim
political struggle between ‘the Forty’ and the hereditary succes-
sors of the deceased Sultan. 13 The court intrigues, conspiracies
and revolts led to depositions and murders in cold blood in
quick succession in which ‘the Forty’ played the role of ‘king-
makers’. Ultimately, one of their leaders, Ghiasuddin Balban
himself became the Sultan in 1266. The period from 1236 to
1266 is, therefore, called the era of ‘the rule of the Forty’ in the
history of the Sultanate of Delhi.

12. Their actual number in the subsequent course of the struggle was not ex-
actly forty; some of them were gradually eliminated, liquidated or suppl-
anted by the more ambitious Shamsi nobles; therefore, the term ‘the forty’
carried political connotations only; it invariably referred to the dominant
group among the Shamsi slave officers irrespective of their numerical
strength.

13. Minhajus Sirai writes about the rise of ‘the Forty’ as follows:

After the death of Shamsuddin (Iltutmish), his Forty Turk slaves grew
powerful. The sons of the late sultan did not bear themselves like prin-
ces, and were unfitted (sic) for the duties of royalty. ..Under the influence
of these Turk slaves all the great men, and the sons of those great men
who had been maliks and wazirs, Hereupon some pretence or other, set
aside and after their removal, the Shamsi slaves became the leading men
of the State. ..These Shamsi slaves had been fellow slaves, and when they
became all at once great and powerful, no one would give precedence or
acknowledge inferiority to another. In possessions and display, in
grandeur and dignity, they vied with each other, and in their proud
vaunts and boasts, every one exclaimed to the other.

“Wha* art thou that I am not, and what wilt thou be that I shall not be?”
The incompetence of the sons of Shamsuddin, and the arrogance of the
Shamsi slaves, thus brought into contempt that throne which' had been
among the most dignified and exalted in the world.

— Tabaqat i Nasiri on. 98-90

100

advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Ruknuddin Firoze (April - November 1236)

Nasiruddin Mahmud, the eldest son oflltutmish, who was
by far the most capable of all his children, died a premature
death m 1229. Iltutmish did not have a high opinion of his
second son Ruknuddin Firoze because of his ease-loving habits
and excessive indulgence in sensual pleasures. He, therefore,
wished his daughter Razia to succeed him to the throne. After
his death, much against his will, the -Turkish nobles raised
Ruknuddin to the throne. An incapable ruler, he failed to win
the confidence of the Shamsi nobles some of whom were power-
ful governors of various provinces (iqtas). Taking advantage of
his son’s incompetence, the unscrupulous Queen Dowager, Shah
Turkan, 14 began to meddle with the state affairs. She also
annoyed other members of the royal household by her oppressive
treatment. 16 Ruknuddin was, therefore, deposed after about
seven months’ rule ; he died in confinement. 16

Razia Begum (1236-40)

Razia Begum succeeded her half-brother Ruknuddin as the
Sultan 17 of Delhi. She was a highly educated lady of courage
and foresight. She was brought up by Iltutmish like a son ; she
received training in horse-riding, shooting and swordsmanship.
Free from all social prejudices of her day, Razia used to attend
the court of her father like other princes and acquired sufficient
experience in statecraft in her youth. She possessed all the
qualities befitting a ruler ; and her father, unmindful of the Islamic
traditions and ridicule of the orthodox ulatna, nominated her to
succeed him to the throne. 18 The Turkish nobility, however,

14. Originally, a maidservant of Iltutmish, who was subsequently made a
queen.

15. Some ladies of Iltutmish’s harem were secretly murdered while the others
deprived of their privy purses A youthful son of Iltutmish, named Qutu-
buddin, was blinded and then put to death on flimsy charges. She once
hatched a conspiracy to kill Razia as well.

' 16. Died November 19, 1236; was probably put to death by Razia’s orders.

17. It is wrong to call her sultana which, in Arabic, means the wife of the sultan,
Razia was the sovereign ruler or sultan by her o' vn r| Sht. Her motner
name was sultana Turkman Kbatun.

18. Minhajus Siraj writes that:

In the time of her father.. .she had exercised authority with great dignity.
Her mother was the chief wife ot his Majesty, and she resided in the cruet
royal palace in the Kushk-Firozi. The Sultan discerned in her countenance
the signs of power and bravery, and, although she was a girl and lived. ,n
retirement, yet when the Sultan returned from the conquest of Gwalior,
he directed his secretary, Tajul Malik Mahmud, who was director ot me
government, to put her name in writing as heir of the kingdom, and su ^? s '
sor to the throne. Before this farman was executed, the servants oi me
. state, who were in close intimacy with His Majesty, represented that, se

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

101

thought it beneath their dignity to be governed by a woman
After the death of Iltutmish, Razia’s claim to the throne was
brushed aside albeit the unpopularity and incompetence of
Ruknuddin afforded her an opportunity to emerge from behind
the veil.

Accession and Early Problems : Razia’s accession' to the
throne was almost dramatic. The prestige of the sultanate had
sunk very low because of internal disorder and insubordinate
conduct of the provincial governors. The Indus valley, including
Sind, was overrun by Saifuddin Hasan Qarlugh of Ghazni. The
capital was under attack from the four governors of Lahore,
Multan, Hansi and Badaun ; they were the ringleaders of the
Shamsi nobles. Nizamul Mulk Junaidi, the wazir, also joined
hands with them. Ruknuddin, in the face of desertions among
his troops, moved out of the capital half-heartedly to give a
battle to the rebels. There was wide-spread discontent ' among
the populace of Delhi against him for the misconduct of state
affairs. The people publicly condemned him and expressed
doubts about his competence to suppress the rebellious nobles.
Under these circumstances, Razia picked up courage to face the
audience and stop the tide from turning against the entire
family of her illustrious father. She had a brainwave ; on the
occasion of Friday prayers, she appeared in the Jama Masjid in
red garments 19 and aroused the ‘pious’ congregation in her favour
through a forceful speech. She pleaded for protection against
the, cruel treatment of Shah Turkan, suggested the audience to
exercise their sovereign right to remove a worthless ruler like
Ruknuddin and reminded them that by her father’s will, the
crown should have actually gone to her. She held out a promise
to abdicate the throne and face any penalty imposed by the
public, including death, if she failed to fulfil their expectations as
a ruler. Fully excited, the mob attacked the royal palace and put
Shah Turkan to death, and a handful of the military officers, in
charge of the town, proclaimed Razia to be the Sultan.
Ruknuddin rushed to Delhi to save the situation but was thrown
behind the bars and put to death soon after, kbutba was read
and coins struck in Razia’s name as Sultan Raziat al-Dunia wa’l
Din bint al-Sultan,

ing the king had grown up sons who were worthy of the dignity, what
wisdom could there be in making a woman the heir to a Muhammadan
throne, and what advantage could accrue from it? They besought
him to set their minds at ease, for the course that he had proposed
seemed very inexpedient. The king replied, “My sons are devoted to the
pleasures of youth, and no one of them is qualified to be king. They are
unfit to rule the country, and after my death, you will find that there is
no one more competent to guide the state than my daughter. It was after-
wards agreed by common consent that the king had judged wisely.

Tabaqat i Nasiri p. 329.

19. Symbolising an ‘aggrieved party’ demanding justice, according to the Isla-
mic custom of those days.

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

u R ^ ia \ rcign h ; st f d f bout thre e years and a half. She proved
to be the first and the last female sultan of Delhi. In fact the
accession of a woman to the throne was against Islamic tradition,
the u airni of Delhi were hypnotised under the momentary spell
of public excitement caused by the dramatic and unusual situation
created by Razia. As a class, the Muslim theologians did not
give their assent to her assumption of royal authority. So was
the -case with most of ‘the Forty’— the powerful Shamsi nobles,
the grandees of the sultanate, who held high offices and
provincial governorships. The military junta of Delhi had not
obtained their approval before declaring Razia to be the sultan.
They were, however, too peiplcxed to take immediate action
against her ; they preferred ‘to wait and see’. Razia thus got
the opportunity to play the sultan as best as she could.

Once on the throne, Razia gave a good account of herself
as a shrewd diplomat and strategist. The four provincial
governors had encamped their forces in the vicinity of Delhi ;
they were yet undecided regarding their future course of action.
Razia had a few thousands of the soldiers and meagre resources
at her command, albeit she moved out of the fort of Delhi
w'ith a show of force and wide publicity to boost the morale of
the soldiers and the populace alike. Working on the diplomatic
principle of ‘divide and iule,’ she won over two of the rebel
governors 20 to her side and then carried out extensive propaganda
that the other rebels 21 would soon be brought in chains to the
capital without a fight. It unnerved the rebels who fled for their
lives, each in distrust of the other. They were pursued by
Razia’s supporters and liquidated ; Junaidi. the cx-wazir died a
fugitive in the Sirmur hills. The prestige of Ra/ia soared high ;
all the other provincial governors hastened to offer their submis-
sion to her and she became the sultan in name as well as in fact.

Razia’s Slate Policy : Razia strengthened her position as an
independent ruler ; she refused to fall under the dominating
influence of the Shamsi nobles. She richly rewarded those who
had stood by her, and gave rapid promotions to her favourites.
Khwaja Muhazzabuddin, previously the nuib wazir under
Ruknuddin, was promoted to be the wazir. In order to break
the monopoly of power of the Turkish nobles, she began to offer
high offices to capable non-Turks as well. She reshuffled many
provincial governors and sent new officers to take charge ol the
important iqtas.

20. viz; Malik Izzuddin Muhammad Salari and Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan
Ayaz.

21. Theii ring-leaders were Malik Allauddin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuchi and

Nizamu! Mulk Junaidi.

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

103

Razia obtained public acclaim for a shortwhile by discharging
her functions with great enthusiasm. She discarded the purdah,
adorned the male attire and held the open court. She supervised
the various departments of administration and issued orders to
the governors to restore law and order in their iqtas. She listened
to public grievances and adm : niste*‘ed evemhanded justice. The
fort of Ranthambhor had been recovered by the Chauhans after
the death of Iltutmish. Razia sent the newly appointed nuib i
lashkar Malik Qutubuddin Hasan Ghori for its reconquest. The
fort was recaptured and razed to the ground lest the Rajputs
might recover and garrison it once again.

Razia proved herself to be very intelligent, noble and just
ruler. Kind-hearted, liberal in religious outlook, and unconven-
tional in social habits, she was far ahead of her times in her
mental make-up. It was, however, her misfortune that she was
a woman and the orthodox Muslim society, particularly, the
fanatic mullas of those days did not like that she should deviate
from the traditional social norms. The proud Turkish nobles
thought it beneath their dignity to be governed by a woman,
especially the one who did not allow them to have a say in the
state affairs. No wonder, there started a whispering campaign
against her just to malign her in the eyes of the public. Rumours
were set afloat casting aspersions on her character ; one such
rumour was about her romance with the erstwhile Abyssinian
slave, Jalaluddin Yakut 22 whom she had promoted amir i akhur
(master of the royal stables). Minhajus Siraj states that consi-
derable ‘familiarity’ existed between them ‘so much so that
when she rode, he always lifted her on the horse by raising her
up under the arms’. Ibn Battuta writes that she was accused of
having illicit ‘connections’ with Yakut . 23 Anyway, such
rumours were enough to cloud the real issue. Having failed to
beat Razia on the administrative and military fronts, the Shamsi
nobles and orthodox mullas resorted to a character assassination
campaign against her. Razia’s only weakness seemed to be her sex
and even the best of ‘her talents and virtues were insufficient to
protect her’ from that ‘single weakness’.

Razia also apprehended trouble and made security arrange-
ments in the royal household and the court. She had a strong
and loyal army at her command and was immensely popular with
the people of the capital. Accordingly, none could harm her
while in Delhi. A conspiracy was, therefore, hatched to entice her
away from _ the capital and get rid of her, a number of courtiers
and provincial governors were a party to it ; Ikhtiyaruddin

22. Yakut had held high offices under Iltutmish and Ruknuddin also.

23. Mahdi Husain, The Rehla of Ibn Battuta (India, Maidive Islands and Ceylon
— trs. and commentary; Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1953. p. 34,

advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

l0 i d ^amberlain (amir i hajib) was the ring-leader.
Ziauddm Junaidi, the governor of Gwalior was suspected of
rebellious ; he was called to the court in 1238 and liquidated.
It spread consternation among the Shamsi nobles who charged
that Razia had started organising ‘political murders on mere
suspicion. It sparked off simultaneous revolts fn various parts
of the empire. Kabir Khan Ayaz, the governor of Lahore and
Multan raised a standard of revolt merely on the issue of the
alleged intimacy between Razia and Yakut which was ‘derogatory
to the pride of the Turks . Razia marched upon Lahore with a
lightning speed and gave a crushing defeat to the rebel. The
-latter, however, apologised and was given back the governorship
of Multan albeit the province of Lahore was taken out of his
control. Within a fortnight of this incident, Razia received the
news that Altunia, the governor of Bhatinda had also revolted.
Razia moved straight towards Bhatinda but was defeated and
taken prisoner by Altunia. Yakut fell into the hands of the
conspirators within the royal camp while the battle was going on ;
and was put to death. The conspirators at Delhi led by the
traitor Aeitigin raised Razia’s brother Behram, the third son of
Iltutmish, to the throne and appointed themselves to all the high
offices of the state. The people of Delhi, inspite of their love
for Razia, could do nothing against the selfish Turkish nobles
because there was none to lead the public movement ; the people’s
voice was drowned under the clatter of arms.

While helping themselves to the spoils of victory, the Shamsi
nobles of Delhi just forgot to assign a place of authority and
prestige to Altunia who still held the key to their success at
Bhatinda. Being away from Delhi, none seemed to have remem-
bered him ; Altunia was naturally antagonised towards them.
It provided an opportunity to Razia to befriend him ; she married
Altunia and both of them made the last bid to recover Delhi
from the hands of the rebels. They were deserted by most of
their followers. They gave a heroic fight to the enemy near
Kaithal but were defeated and taken prisoners on October 13,1240;
both of them were beheaded the next day.

An Estimate : Razia was the ablest of all the five successors
of Iltutmish ; as a person of character and capabilities, she was
‘better than a man’. Her elevation to the throne ‘vindicated the
choice of Iltutmish ; S4 her recognition as the sultan was based on
the. popular support of the people of Delhi ; such an unqualified
support was never enjoyed by any other sultan of Delhi. Given
the opportunity, she would have proved to be a very capable
ruler like her illustrious father ; unfortunately, her career was cut
short by non-cooperation of the self-seeking Shamsi nobles and
the hostility of the orthodox mullas who failed to see the virtues
in her as the sovereign. She refused to play the second fiddle to

24. Comp. HI, V, p. 237.

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

105

them. ; this was the main reason why they turned against her.
He sex was, of course, the next important factor which brought
out her fall. 26 The consolidation and stability of the infant
Turkish state needed the emergence of a strong and absolute
monarchy which could hold the distant provincial governors
under its firm control and take a bold stand against the rival
Rajput chiefs who were ever eager to recover their lost territories.
Razia jnade an attempt to establish such an absolute monarchy and
was amply qualified to play the role of the saviour of the Turkish
state in India but she was not permitted to do so. Being a woman,
she could not give a square deal to the conspirators and rumour
mongers. She sacrificed her life for having displayed the finest
virtues of head and heart and remarkably forward-looking socio-
political views. Had she had a reasonable time to rule the state
she might have generated new socio-political forces for the better
and healthier growth and development of the Turkish polity,
in particular, and the Indo-Muslim society, in general.

Behram Shah (1240-42)

Muizuddin Behram Shah who sat on the throne of Delhi
for about two years was a mere puppet in the hands of the
Shamsi nobles ; the latter constituted the ruling junta and shared
all powers of the state. Muhazzabuddin continued to be the
wozir while Ikhtiyaruddin Aeitigin carried on administration on
behalf of the sultan in his capacity as naib i tnamlikat 20 — the
viceroy ; he enhanced his power and prestige by marrying a sister
of the sultan. In a bid to liberate himself from their influence,
Behram got Aeitigin murdered but Badruddin Sunqar, the amir i
hajio, took no time in usurping all the powers of the sultan.
He was also liquidated by Behram Shah through a piece of clever
diplomacy ; the Shamsi nobles, however, became conscious of his
evil designs and put him to death in May 1242.

The Mongol Invasion : During the reign of Behram Shah, the
Mongols invaded India under their leader Tair in 1241. They were
repulsed from Multan by its governor Kabir Khan but Malik
Qarqash, the Turkish governor of Lahore, fled the capital which was
captured by the Mongols and sacked. They retired from India
after the plunder of Lahore.

25. “Sultan Razia was a great monarch. She was wise, just, and generous,
a benefactor to her kingdom, a dispenser of justice, the protector of her
subjects, and the leader of her armies. She was endowed with all tbe qua-
lities befitting a king, but she was not born of the right sex, and so in the
estimation of men, all these virtues were worthless.” — Minhajus Siraj,
Tabaqat i Nasiri; pp. 328-29.

26. Also called naib i mulk or malik naib.

106 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Alauddin Masudshah (1242-46)

Izziiddin Kishlu Khan, one of the Shamsi nobles, declared
himself the sultan on the deposition of Behram Shah but his
colleagues did not approve of his action. .They, instead, placed
Alauddin Masudshah, a grandson of Iltutmish (son of Ruknuddin
Firoze) on the throne. He held the crown as a nominal .sultan
for about four years ; all the powers of the state were wielded by
the nobility headed by the malik naib Qutubuddin Hasan Ghori.
Muhazzabuddin continued to be the wazir as before but fell
out with the other nobles and was dismissed after some time.
Balban, one of ‘the Forty’, rose into prominence into the state
politics during this period as amir i hajib \ he married one of his
daughters to the young sultan.

Masudshah’s reign marked the slow disintegration of the
sultanate. Tamar Khan, the governor of Bengal, declared his
independence and annexed Bihar as well. Multan and Uchh
became independent under Kabir Khan Ayaz who successfully
resisted the attacks of Saiffiiddin Qarlugh 27 and the Mongols.
The Khokhars became aggressive in the salt range while the
Hindu chieftains took up arms against the sultanate in the
Gangetic valley. In June 1246, Masud Shah was deposed and
supplanted by Nasiruddin Mahmud through the connivance of
‘the Forty’.

Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-66)

A Grandson of Iltutmish : Until recently, it was commonly
held that Nasiruddin Mahmud, who succeeded to the throne of
Delhi after Masudshah, was the youngest son of Iltutmish. Recent
researches 38 have, however, revealed the fact that he was the
posthumous child of Shahzada Nasiruddin, the eldest son of
Iltutmish, who was governor of Bengal and Bihar at the time of
his premature death at Lakhnauti in April 1229. The untimely
death of the crown prince made Iltutmish grow grey almost
overnight ; he never fully recovered from this shock. No wonder,
he developed intense filial attachment to the posthumous jrhild of
his eldest son. He made special arrangements for the undisturbed
and comfortable stay of his widowed daughter-in-law so that she
could rear up child with utmost care. 29 Iltutmish gave the same
name and title of his eldest son to his grandson. A modern
Indian historian opines 30 that:

Iltutmish wanted the young baby (sic) to be considered his
son and not grandson for dynastic reasons ; so that we shoul

27. A free-bootcr from Ghazni who hanged on in the northwestern India for
quite sometime.

28. Refer to K.A. Nizami in Comp.HI, V, p. 256.

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

107

not be surprised at the fact that he was called the son ( ibn )
of Iltutmish all his life.

Accession : Nasiruddin Mahmud was a young lad of seventeen
at the time of his accession to the throne. He is said to have been
the governor of Baraich during the earlier successors of Iltutmish.
Obviously, some Shamsi nobles must have carried on the govern-
ment of that iqta on his behalf; after the death of Iltutmish,
Nasiruddin’s name might have been used as a camouflage to wield
the power. He had no ambition to be the king but was rushed to
the capital disguised as a woman, along with his mother, and
placed on the throne by the conspirators who had done Masudshah
to death. Balban was one of the patrons of Nasiruddin though
there is reason to believe that he was not one of the assassins of
Alauddin Masudshah, who happened to be his son-in-law.

Nasiruddin was an educated and intelligent man of gentle and
pious nature who had no illusions about the new role assigned to
him by the power-hungry 1 urkish nobles. He, therefore, did not
take much interest in the state affairs partly because of political
expediency; he adopted an attitude of complete self-surrender to-
wards the men in power and played a puppet in their hands.
Rather, it would be more appropriate to say that Nasiruddin was
the constitutional chief executive of the Turkish oligarchy. That
is why he became acceptable to all the nobles who were left free
to settle between themselves all matters of state politics. He kept
himself aloof from all administrative problems and did not take
any step without the prior consent of the ruling juna. Secondly,
to his good fortune, an equilibrium was established amidst the
nobles in the matter of distribution of the loaves and fishes which
ensured peace in the state. Had the Turkish nobles failed to arrive
at a compromise among themselves, and had they split themselves
into rival factions on any issue whatever, Nasiruddin might have

29. Minhaj writes that Nasiruddin Mahmud Was the youngest son of Iltut-
mish whose mother ‘was sent to a palace in the town of Loni where he was
brought up and educated as a prince ’. — ( Tabaqat i Nasiri; p. 341) At an-
other place, while describing the events o p the ‘tenth year of the reign’
(653 H or 125 5 AD) of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, Minhaj informs us that
the sultan’s mother, Malika i Jahan, married a Turkish officer named
QutlughKhan, (ibid; p. 350). It really sounds ridiculous that Iltutmish
should send his queen away from the capital, .where she and her child could
have received the best service and personal attention of the sultan in the
royal palace. Secondly, the statement of Minhaj that the child was ‘brought
up and educated as a prince,’ indirectly implies that the child was not a
prince by his own right whose father was the reigning sovereign of the day.
Thirdly, it looks not only absurd but also impossible that the widow, of
Iltutmish should get herself remarried to a petty noble of the state, nine
years after the death of her illustrious husband. There is every reason to
believe that the mother of Sultan Nasiruddin Muhmud was the daughter-
in-law of Iltutmish, and the widow of his eldest deceased son.

30. R.A. Nizami in Comp. HI, V, p. 256.

108

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

been put to death like a sacrificial iamb any moment. It was
therefore, also due to his good luck that he enjoyed a peaceful
and undisturbed reign for twenty long years.

A theory put forth by sonic of the modern writers that
Nasiruddin was a great military general and administrator who
ruled in name as well as in fact, at least upto 1255, is wrong.
This line of thought is based upon the misreading of the Tubanat
1 N °siri whose celebrated author Minhaj was the chief quzioi
Delhi under Nasiruddin. He enjoyed patronage of the sultan as
well as Balban, the naib i mamlikat. Minhaj attributes all the
achievements of his period to ,the sultan and uses hyperbolic words
in his praise but a careful perusal of the text clearly reveals the
truth as to who constituted the real power behind the throne.
For instance, Minhaj states that as governor of Bahraich,
Nasiruddin waged successful wars against the infidels, established
law and order and, by his wise adminisirativc reforms, made the
people happy and prosperous; he thus became famous as a con-
queror and successful ruler 31 . Born in 1229-30, Nasiruddin was
yet a small boy who might have enjoyed the warmth of his
mother’s lap when Bahraich was being administered by the Turkish
officers in his name. He was hardly a boy of sixteen or seventeen
when brought to Delhi secretly. The mother and the son were
led by a few horsemen and secret agents on foot. Nasiruddin was
made to lie in her mother’s litter during the day and jt was given
out that the sick boy was being taken to Delhi for treatment; at
night, Nasiruddin put on a purdah while riding a horse 38 . It is
this circumstance which has prompted some writers to ‘show that
he was not only ambitious but resourceful too.' It is not difficult
to gauge the hollowness of such a claim.

As for the independent status of Nasiruddin while on the
throne, fsami tells us that the Sultan ‘expressed no opinion without
their (Shamsi nobles) permission’; he did not move his hands or
feet except at their order. He would neither drink water nor go
to sleep except with their knowledge’. He states clearly that
‘Ulugh Khan (Balban ) served the king and controlled all Jus
affairs; the king lived in the palace and Ulugh Khan governed the
empire.’ 33

Nasiruddin was very gentle, pious and studious. He was
devoted to his faith and lived a virtuous life; he had never more
than four living wives and no concubines. Partly by nature and
partly out of political necessity, he kept himself busy with religious
activities. He was a good calligraphist; as a past-time, he used to
write copies of the Quran which gave currency to the popular
belief that he made his living by selling his scripts alone.

31. Tabaqat i Naiirr, p. 342.

32. ibid.

33. Futiihuc Salalin. pp. 150-51.

34. This fact finds mention in Isami’s narrative alone, {ibul). Of course, in

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

109

Balban as Nasiruddin' s Minister ; Owing to his excessively humble
and virtuous character, Nasiruddin Mahmud earned public acclaim
and the respect and sympathies of the ruling junta.. He was per-
mitted to choose from among themselves, any Turkish noble to
be his wazir. The sultan expressed the desire to give this office to
Ghiasuddin Balban, the ex-governor of Badaun, then amir i hajib.
Balban, accordingly, took over the wizarat with the title of Ulugh
Khan by the consent of his colleagues. He won the love and
confidence of the young sultan by his courteous and dignified
conduct towards him. He further cemented his personal attach-
ment to Nasiruddin by offering the hand of his daughter in
marriage 35 to him in 1249. In return, he received the formal title
of naib i mamlikat Zi or the viceroy, though he had been the de facto
ruler of the state from the very first day of his appointment as
wazir. The new wazir Abu Bakr acted under the dictates of
Balban. The naib i manilikat took care, however, to maintain the
formal dignity of the sultan and allowed him to have his say in
some non-controversial matters, particularly those in which the
- self-interest of the Shamsi nobles was not involved. He served
Nasiruddin faithfully throughout his reign except for a brief inter-
val in 1253-54. He strengthened his position gradually by promo-
ting the interests of his kinsmen and friends. His younger brother
Kishlu Khan 37 was the amir i hajib, later the governor of Nagor,
while his cousin Sher Khan Sunqar held the governorship of the
igtas of Bhatinda and Lahore and possessed the additional super-
visory powers over the whole of the north-western frontier.

Achievements of Balban as Minister : There was no government
worth the name when Balban took charge as the minister of
Nasiruddin. The north-western India had been laid waste by the
repeated onslaughts of the Mongols; Hindu chiefs had become
aggressive and the Turkish governors of the distant provinces
displayed rebellious tendencies. Because of incessant court intri-
gues, political murders and change of sultans, the prestige of the
Turkish state had sunk low; anti-social elements made the lives of
the people hard in every part of the kingdom.

power-hungry Shamsi nobles might have attempted to make a fad of it by
bidding very highly for the copies of the Quran written by their puppet
sultan.

35. As mentioned earlier, one of Balban’s daughters had been married to
Sultan Alauddin Masudshah also; at a later stage, Balban’s own son
Bughra Khan was married to the only daughter of Nasiruddin Mahmud
by a second wife. The family line of Balban was thus almost merged
in the family of Iltutmish and Nasiruddin Mahmud.

36. This office was held in abeyance during the first three years of
Nasiruddin’s reign.

37. Kishlu Khan and Sher Khan Sunqar, the near relations of Balban, proved
themselves unworthy of the favours shown to them; they later insubor-
dinated and put Balban to considerable inconvenience.

110

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

a M rP/!? a ?K Sta / tedth !, administration on a note of firmness. He
geared up the forces of law and order, strengthened the royal army

and pursued a vigorous policy in internal as well as external affairs.
Mmhaj mforms us that every winter the ‘royal standards’, including
the Sultan Nasn-uddu 1 Mahmud, started moving out of the capital
at the head of a huge force, commanded by Balban. The enterpri-
sing minister launched annual expeditions against the enemies of
the state— the Mongols. Hindu chieftains or the rebellious Turkish
nobles. . Whatever the actual outcome of the military engagements,
this policy restored confidence in the hearts of the subjects, parti-
cularly, the populace of Delhi: toned up the administration of the
iqtas visited by the royal entourage and raised the prestige of the
central government. It saved the sultanate from further disinte-
gration. The incompetence of disaffected provincial governors and
subordinate officers were dealt with by Balban with an iron hand.
Balban marked the beginning of Nasiruddin’s reign by leading an
army, under the beating of the . drums, into the Punjab, against the
turbulent Khokhars and the Mongols. The ‘royal standards’,
including the sultan, were encamped on the Ravi while Balban
moved through the salt range to the Indus. On the approach of
the royal forces, the Mongols retired from the country; they had
plundered and devastated the region upto Lahore and carried
away thousands of people as slaves. Balban was obliged to return
‘for want of provender and other necessaries’ for the army 38 .

In 1247-48, Balban carried out a punitive expedition against
the refractory zamindars of the-Doab. A couple of Hindu rebels
were defeated and their sympathisers crushed mercilessly. The
royal standards reached as far as Kara (Allahabad) where
Jalaluddin, who held the fief of Kanauj 39 , waited upon the sultan.

38. Tabaqat i Natiri op. cit. p. 343. «hi c

The author, Minhaj Sira j, had accompanied the royal entourage on this

campaign on return to the capital, he received under His M . j y
orders, the gift of a coat and turban and of a house with princely
trappings’. — ibid.

39. Minhaj gives the following description of this campaign.

In the neighbourhood of Kanauj, there is a fortified village called > Naudona
where there is a very strong fort vying with the wall of Alexai ■
body of infidel Hindus shut themselves up in this place, resolved to fight
to the last extremity. For two days the royal army earned on a mur
derous conflict at this village, but at length, the rebel were •

and the place was subdued The author of this work (Mi nhj)

brated the victory and all the events of the camga'gn 1 ■

slaughter of the rebellious infidels, the capture of their fortil ’..

the success of Ulugh Khan i Muazzam (Balban) in killing nnc Unking
prisoner Dalaki uvz Malaki (two Hindu chiefs), these and all the : pther

incidents are celebrated fully in the poem to "' h .' ci ? ^ l°thfs nocm

name of his gracious master, and caMed it hasin hmn ,fl - l 1 . (^ C e

the author received from the sultan the grant of a fine annual all
and from Ulugh Khan he received the grant in m am of a village near
Hansi. (May God long maintain the scats of their empire and ru .)
Tabaqat i Masiri pp. 343-44.

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

111

He was a step-brother of Nasiruddin. He was granted the iqtas
of Sambhal and Badaun albeit Balban suspected him of disloyalty.
Soon afterwards, Jalaluddin fled to Turkistan and sought shelter
with the Mongols.

- Kishlu Khan was not satisfied with the governorship of Nagor;
having been frustrated in his designs to acquire control of Multan
and Sind, he turned against Balban. In 1253, a conspiracy was
hatched against Balban by some disaffected nobles who felt jealous
of his rising power. Imaduddin Raihan, an Indian Muslim, and
Kishlu Khan were the ring-leaders; they enjoyed the blessings of
Malika i Jahan, the mother of Sultan Nasiruddin. 40 They poisoned
the ears of the Sultan against Balban and also made an unsuccess-
ful bid to murder the malik naib. When Balban came to know of
it, he volunteered to resign the post; he was sent to Hansi as its
governor and Raihan became the naib i mamlikat. He, however,
failed to run the government effectively and incurred the displeasure
of the Sultan. The Shamsi nobles made a common cause with
Balban and staged a come-back by show of force. Balban was
reinstated malik naib with absolute powers of government in his
hands. His opponents were - pardoned but sent out of the capital
on provincial assignments. Raihan was appointed governor of
Badaun, Qutlugh Khan that of Oudh .while Kishlu Khan was
directed to take charge of Multan and Uchh and protect the region
from falling into the hands of the Mongols 41 .

Balban adopted a three-fold policy to consolidate his position
and protect the Sultanate from disintegration. It comprised (a) sup-
pression of the rebellious Turkish nobles, (b) vigilence against
the rising power of the Hindu chiefs, and (c) stemming the tide of
Mongol menace. In 1256, Balban’s old adversary, Immaddudin
Raihan raised a standard of revolt at Badaun with the connivance
of Qutlugh Khan, the governor of Oudh. Balban marched upon
Badaun with a huge army; Raihan was defeated and killed in
the battle. Qutlugh Khan was transferred by Balban from Oudh
to Baraich but he refused to comply with the orders. On the
approach of royal armies, however, he fled to the Sirmur hills and
took shelter with Raja Ranpala of Santagarh. The latter refused to
surrender Qutlugh Khan to Balban although his territory was
ravaged by the Turkish forces in 1257.

40. It was after the fall • of Raihad and the failure of this conspiracy that
Malia-i-Jaban manried a Turkish noble Qutlugh Khan, one of the
ex-conspirators against Balban, to the great discomfiture of the Sultan and
ridicule of the populace of Delhi. On the advice of Balban, Qutlugh Khan
was given the governorship of Oudh and the ex queen mother was ordered
to join her husband there; her stay in the royal harem war thought undesir-
able-and disgraceful. — Refer to Tahaqat i Nasiri; pp. 348-50.

41. Minhaj states that ‘after all this trouble, the state enjoyed repose; troubles
were appeased and wounds were healed.’ — ibid; p. 355.

112

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

^ ‘infidel’ Mongols had, by this time, spread their sway over
Khurasan, Persia and Afghanistan and the Khyber pass was under
their control. Therefore, the north-western India, including Sind,
was exposed to their plundering raids. The meagre resources of
the sultanate did not permit Balban to launch an all-out offensive
against the Mongols; all the same, he made effective arrangements
fortne defence of Delhi against' them. In 1255, Jalaluddin, the
half-brother of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, having failed to secure
Mongol help for the conquest, returned to India. He acquired
control of Lahore and sought apologies from Delhi for his past
misconduct. As a shrewd diplomat, Balban conferred on him the
governorship of Lahore on behalf of Delhi; his policy was to use
him as a buffer between Delhi and the Mongols.

Similarly, Kishlu Khan, the governor of Multan and Uchh
since 1254, was not loyal to Delhi; he continued to harbour ill-wijl
against Balban. Towards the close of 125 7 , the Mongols advanced
into the territories of LTchh and Multan; Kishlu Khan, instead of
giving^ them a fight, acknowledged the suzerainty of Halaku
Khan, the Mongol ruler of Persia and ‘entered into a treaty 43 with
the Mongols for the joint attack on Delhi. When Balban came
to know of it, he made effective arrangements for the defence of
the capital and lost no time in establishing diplomatic contacts with
Halaku Khan. The Mongol emissaries who visited Delhi in 1258-
59 were deeply impressed by the military strength, prosperity and
popularity of the sultanate. They were convinced about the
competence of Delhi to defend its frontiers and, accordingly,
refrained from entering into conflict with it. The sinister designs
of Kishlu Khan and other Turkish deserters from Delhi, therefore,
did not materialise. Because of the Mongols’ presence, however,
the provinces of Lahore, Multan and Sind could not be effectively
brought under the control of Delhi during the reign of Nasiruddin
Mahmud.

A number of powerful Hindu states were re-established along
the periphery of the Delhi sultanate in central India and the
Gangetic Valley; they recovered big slices of territory from the hands
of the Turks. Balban as minister of Nasiruddin lacked the resour-
ces to deal with them forcefully. He led sporadic expeditions in
Rajputana, Malwa and Bundelkhand but without any substantia
gain. The Chandelas were reversed in 1248-49 but Kali njar could
not be recovered. In 1251-52, Balban made an abortive attempt
to recapture Gwalior. Between 1248 and 1259, three attempts were
made to reconquer Ranthambhor but the Turks failed to establish
a foothold there. The Mewatis became very powerful during this
period; they were bold enough to lay their hands on the Turkish
military posts in the vicinity of Delhi, plundered the royal treasuries

42. Minhaj, Tabaqat i Nisirl; p. 354.

FOUNDATION IN THE DELHI SULTANATE

113

and posed a danger to the safety of the capital itself. Balban
launched a punitive expedition against them in 1259-60; a number
of bloody battles were fought though their power could not be
crushed. Balban committed atrocities on the populace which were
stopped, however, on the personal intervention of the Sultan.
Balban adopted a defensive attitude towards the powerful Hindu
chiefs during the reign of Nasiruddin- On the death of the latter
in 1266, Balban himself became the sultan.

4; The Second Ilbari Dynasty

Ghiasuddin Balban (1266-86)

Early Career and Accession : Ghiasuddin Balban also belonged
to the Ilbari tribe of his master Iltutmish. His original name was
Bahauddin. His grandfather is also said to have been a great
khan ‘over ten thousand houses’ ( khanas ) 43 . In his youth, he fell
into the hands of the Mongols, along with some other members of
his family. 44 He was sold as a slave to Jamaluddin of Basra, a
man of virtue and learning who brought him up ‘like a son’. 45
In 1237, Balban was purchased by Iltutmish who ‘made him his
personal attendant (i khassa-dar )’ 4B . He quickly rose to be one of
‘the Forty’— the most trusted and powerful Turkish slave officers
of Iltutmish- He reached the pinnacle of power under the weak

43. Tabaqat i Nasiri; p. 356.

44. His cousin Sher Khan Sunqar suffered all the vicissitudes of early life along
with Balban. His younger brother Kishlu Khan had also been taken pri-
soner by the Mongols but the two brothers were separated while passing
through various hands as slaves. In 1232, they re-discovered each other in
Delhi when they were purchased by Iltutmish. — ibid; pp ,356-57.

45. Minhaj writes that

Khwaja Jamaluddin Basri, a man remarkable for piety and integrity,
ability and worth, bought him (Balban), and brought him up carefully
like a son. Intelligence and ability shone out clearly in his countenance,
so his patron looked upon him with an eye of kindness and treated him
with special consideration. — Tabaqat i Nasiri; p 356.

46. To continue the narrative in the words of Minhaj:

With several other Turks he (Balban) was brought into the presence of the
Sultan (Iltutmish) When the monarch observed him, he bought all the
lots of Turks and appointed them to attend before his throne Ulugh was
seen to be a youth of great promise, so the king made him his personal
attendant, placing, as one might say, the hawko f fortune on his hand.
So, that in after times, in the reigns of this monarch’s children, it might
come to pass that this youth should save the kingdom from the violence
and machinations of its foes, and raise it to a high pitch of glory and
honour.

. —ibid; pp. 356-57.

1 14 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

successors of Iltutmish ; he \yas amir i shikar (lord of the stables)
under Behram and amir i hajib (lord chamberlain) under Masud.
The territories of Hansi and Rewari were held by him as
personal estate. He played a prominent role in the installation of
i siruddin Mahmud to the throne. At the express desire of the
latter, the Forty’ permitted Balban to take charge of government
as wazir. He was the de facto ruler of the state since 1246
though the title, of niab i mamlikat or the deputy sultan was
received by him in 1249. 47 Balban’s cordial relations with
Nasiruddin and his role as minister from 1266-66 have alreadv
been discussed in the foregoing pages.

Nasiruddin Mahmud is said to have at least four sons and
some other male relations who had better claim to the throne on
hereditary basis. Nothing is known about their fate on the eve
of death of the Sultan ; it is, however, universally believed that
Nasiruddin died after a brief illness, without leaving behind any
male heir to the throne. He had probably nominated Balban
to the throne before his death. The contention of Isami that
Nasiruddin was poisoned to death 48 by Balban does not seem to
be true in view of the very affectionate relations that existed
between the two. During his long tenure as minister, Balban had
thoroughly consolidated his position and was recognised as
the most powerful and undisputed leader of all the Shamsi nobles.
He already enjoyed the insignia of royalty and was frequently
addressed as ‘sultan’ during the lifetime of Nasiruddin. Therefore,
there was no question of any opposition to Balban’s accession
to the throne 49 in 1266. He enjoyed a long reign of twenty years.

Early Difficulties : Balban was faced with numerous political
and administrative problems on his accession to the throne. Owing
to the weakness and incompetence of the successors of Iltutmish,
the prestige of the crown had sunk very low ; the Sultan was
treated as a puppet by the nobility and detested and held cheap by
the people. The Turkish nobles, particularly those who belonged
to the gang qf ‘the Forty’, had become power-drunk; they
were the king-makers ; therefore, they rightly considered them-
selves to be the partners in the state enterprise. The provincial
governors were usually insubordinate towards the centra
government and aggressive, rather autocratic, in the matter o
administration of the territories under their charge, a he coun y

47. He received the title of Ulugh Khan (the great Khan) after successfully
repelling a Mongol invasion in 1246.

48. Futuhus Salatin; pp. 156-57.

49. A.B. HabibuIIah opines that, ,

The king’s (Nasiruddin’s) lack of vigour threatened to jkstmrapect tor
the Crown. A change in throne became necessary even

time but (Nasiruddin) Mahmud escaped his brother s fate bccm«c of
loyal and devoted service of the naib, Bahauddin Balban, the Ulugh Ktia
—Foundation of the Muslim Rule in India; op, cit; p. 160.

FOUNDATION OF THB DELHI SULTANATE

115

was exposed to the Mongol raids which had been on the increase
since the death of Iltutmish. Powerful Hindu states in Rajputana
and central India had increased their military pressure on the
southern borders of the sultanate while the rebellious Hindu chief-
tains in the Doab and the Gangetic valley posed serious law
and order problems within the state. The royal treasury was
empty ; the state revenues could hardly meet the defence require-
ments. During the reign of Nasiruddin, Balban kept the situation
under control for about two decades albeit he seems to have
maintained the status quo without seeking permanent solutions to
some of these problems. Once on the throne, Balban took up the
task with alacrity, eradicated most of the dangers to the state
and consolidated the foundations of the Sultanate. He brought
about reforms in the internal administration which included
gearing up of the machinery of law and order, reorganisation of
the army establishment, construction of roads, and appropriate
arrangements for the safety of the inter-state traffic. The reform
of the department of justice, better arrangements for the collec-
tion of taxes and strengthening of the financial condition of the
state were other administrative achievements of Balban. He
reduced the powers of the provincial governors, brought them
under greater supervision and control of the central government,
and discouraged vice and luxury among the nobility.

Reorganisation of Army : First of all, Balban paid his attention
to organising the military upon whose strength and solidarity
depended the very existence of the state. He reorganised the
royal army and put it on a war-footing. The army establishment
was separated from the rest of the civil departments ; it was
taken out of the control of the wazir as well as the finance minister.
Imadul Mulk, a competent military general and a personal friend
of the sultan, was appointed diwan i ariz or the army minister
with powers equivalent to those of the other central ministers.
He was made responsible for recruitment, training and equip-
ment, of the soldiers and acted as paymaster general of the
army. The diwan i ariz looked after the forts and other defences
of the state and deployed the royal forces at strategic places
albeit he. did not enjoy the actual command of the army; the
supreme command of the royal forces, however, reserved remained
in the hands of the sultan.

Qutubuddin Aibek and Iltutmish had introduced the system
of granting lands to the military officers in lieu of salaries. Many
of these officers had since expired- or retired because of old age
but their descendants held the fiefs as family heritage. Balban
ordered the resumption of all such fiefs whose original grandees
had died or their successors did not render military service ;
pensions were, of course, granted to the widows and other depen-
dents of the deceased fife-holders. This caused a hue and cry
among the nobility ; they approached Fakhruddin, the aged kotwal

^ ^ ADVANCED study in the history OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

t°L? e il h i t? d 1 fr L end . of t he Sultan to plead with the latter on
their behalf. On his intervention, Balban gave up his wise
policy and the old social evil of granting lands to the nobles in
ieu ° ., mi litary service continued. The basic composition of the
ariD ij’ “ ie . ore remained, as before, feudal in nature. Balban
could not introduce revolutionary changes in the army establish-
ment.^ There was no provision for the maintenance of a permanent
standing army though the number of royal guards was raised
to several thousands and they constituted, in fact, a well-equipped
highly efficient standing .army. The provincial governors,
iqtaaars and other fief-holders provided military contingents to
the central government as per specifications as and when required.
Through personal interest taken by the sultan and the vigilance
of the central government, the efficiency and tone of the feudal
contingents was considerably improved.

-Restoration of Law and Order : The very first problem of law
and order related to the protection of the life and property of
the people in and around the capital itself. Barani informs
us that during the period of weak successors of lltutmish,
the Meos or Mewatis ‘in the neighbourhood of Delhi had
grown in power and multiplied in numbers’. They were
formed into numerous robber bands and resorted to highway
robbery on a large scale. The thick jungles which had ‘grown
all round Delhi and the unreclaimed land of Hariana, covered
with thorny shrubs and sand dunes were their main hide-outs.
The Meos had become so daring that they sometimes carried
their plundering raids within the capital, right ‘beneath the walls
of the royal palace’. They entered the towri at night, broke
through the walls into the houses and molested the people in other
ways’. In the words of' Barani, ‘the people of Delhi were
unable to sleep owing to the fear of the Meos, who had also
plundered all the inns in the neighbourhood of Delhi. 60 Balban

50. The following narrative of Barani makes an interesting reading:

The roads (leading to and from the capital) were closed on all sides, and
it was impossible for the caravans and the traders to come and depart...
owing to the fear of the Meos, Ihe western gates of the city were closed
at the time of the afternoon prayer, and no one had the courage to go out
of the city after that time either to visit the sacred tombs or to enjoy oy
the side of the Sultani (Shamsi) tank. But even before he afternoon
prayers, (the Meos) molested the watei -carriers and slave-girls, wno wem
to fetch water from the tank; they took off their elolhes and ^t
nude. — Tarikh i Firoze Shalii, E&D, III, Indian reprint (Kitab Mahal),
p. 104.

If such was really the case, what had Balban been doing, as the noth
malik of the Nasiruddin Mahmud, to secure the defences of the capital /
May be, the account of Barani is an exaggeration, to highlight the acme
vements of Balban as the greatest of all the earlier sultans. May be
Balban had been marking time during the last few years to make tnt
people feel the necessity of a strong and powerful monarch.

— (The Author).

Foundation of thb Delhi sultanate

117

adopted stringent measures to deal with this problem. He moved
out of the capital and set up his military camp in the heart of the
Meo-infested areas. The jungle around Delhi was cleared and
roads constructed to facilitate the movement of armies ; a fort
was built at Gopalgir and many police post established in the
whole iqta of Delhi Balban meted out a very cruel treatment
to the Mewatis and their families ; about f a hundred thousand
males above twelve’ were massacred in cold blood ; their women
were enslaved, property pillaged and houses put on fire. Their
lands were confiscated and distributed among his enterprising
Turko-Afghan officers. Balban’s ‘blood and iron’ policy bore fruit
and, within a year, the capital was made safe from the Mewati
menace. The provincial governors were instructed to enforce
law and order within their dominions by all means. Barani
records 61 that :

Fear of the governing power, which is the basis of all good
government, and the source of the glory and splendour of
states, had departed from the hearts of all men, and the
country had fallen into a wretched condition. But from the
very commencement of the reign of Balban, the people
became tractable, obedient and submissive ; self-assertion and
self-will were thrown aside, and all refrained from in-subordi-
nation and insolence.

Balban then turned his attention towards the refractory
Hindu zamindars of the Doab and Oudh (mod. U.P.). The people
of these regions were rich and prosperous owing to the fertility
of the soil ; they did not pay taxes to the state regularly nor
permitted to the Muslim officers to establish their foothold in their
habitats. They resented and offered tough opposition to the
Muslim settlers in their midst. The people as a whole felt indigna-
tion over the loss of their national independence, though to their
misfortune, they failed to produce any leader of standing who
could unite them to wage a freedom struggle against the Turkish
rule. Balban made up his mind to crush the Hindu resistance in
these regions for all times to come. He parcelled out the entire
Gangetic valley into small iqtas or fiefs which were assigned
to ambitious Turko-Afghan officers ( iqtadars ) with the instruc-
tions to crush the insubordinate ‘infidels’ by an iron hand. He
built strong forts at Kampil, Patiali and Bhojpur which were
heavily garrisoned by the state troops, ready to help the iqtadars
in their punitive expeditions against the Hindu rebels. The
Muslim settlers were granted tax-free lands with powers to defend
themselves by force of arms. Barani writes that the Sultan him-
self ‘went to Kampil and Patiali and stayed in these territories
for five or six months. He put robbers and rebels unhesitatingly
to the sword ; the route to Hindustan (Oudh) was opened and

51. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi'. pp. 99-100.

1 1 8 advanced study in the history OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

caravans and merchants could come and go in peace. A lot of the
plunder of that region came to Delhi, where slaves and cattle
became cheap S2 .

While Oudh, Balban received the news of an uprising in
Katehr (Bundelkhand). He hastened back to the capital, mustered
a fresh army and marched upon Katehr without any loss of time.
He wreaked his vengeance upon the rebels like a tyrant. According
to Barani, the Sultan ordered general massacre of the male popu-
lation; v ‘a stream of blood flowed on the ground’; 'corpses piled up
before every village’, the stinking of which polluted the atmos-
phere, resulting in the spread of epidemics 8 *. At a later stage,
Balban led one such punitive expedition against the rebellious
Khokhars of the salt range as well.

Balban' s Theory of Kingship : Ghiasuddin Balban was a despotic
ruler. He established an absolute monarchy by suppressing all
opposition to the crown. He traced his descent from the mythical
Turkish hero Afrasiyab and attempted to create a halo of superi-
ority round the monarchy. He claimed divine sanction for the
office of the sultan and fully exploited the religious sentiments of
his people to strengthen his hold over the state. The Caliph of
Baghdad was no more but Balban continued to inscribe his name
on the coins so that his co-religionists might extend their unquali-
fied obedience to him as ‘the righthand man of the Caliph’ ( nasir
amir ul momniti).

Balban’s theory of kingship was akin to that of the ‘divine
rights of kings’ as professed by the Tudor and Stuart monarchs
of England. Balban gave currency to the epithet Zil i llahi viz;
‘the Shadow of God’ for himself; it was inscribed on the coins.

As ‘vice-regent of God on earth’, Balban intended to make it
known that he was above law as well as the Turkish ruling elite
who had brought the sultanate into existence; he ruled by ‘divine
sanction’ and was not answerable to any worldly authority for
the discharge of his powers and functions as sovereign. He thus
attempted to raise the status and prestige of the crown by claiming
divine powers for it. Obviously ‘this was a subtle religious device
to sanctify the exercise of his despotic authority . 84

Farani gives a detailed treatment to the theory of kingship
as propounded by Balban himself; no other sultan of Delhi ever
laid stress or. it in dialogue and court proceedings like Balban;
not even Alauddin Khalji, in the later period, who happened to
be the most powerful despotic monarch of the sultanate. 1 he
funniest part of it was that Balban never felt tired of delivering

52. Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 105.

53. Ibid; pp. 106-10.

54. K.A. Nizami in Comp. Hi, V, p. 281.

1 1Q

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

sermons on this issue to those Shamsi nobles with whom he had
once shared the power of the state as a slave officer of lltutmish.
By propagating such theories, Balban intended to exact reverence
and loyalty from the common man albeit he made himself a
subject of ridicule among his ex-colleagues who read m his

rhetorics a blunt warning that they must not consider themselves

‘kina-makers’ any longer and that they would be dealt with
severely if they poked their nose into the affairs of the sultan.

of his courtiers, banned public dnmcmg y • us an d

acquired aloofness from ^^^^ut^on^agnificent royal costumes
reserved posture toward* all ’. J ut Serial paraphernalia,

and was always accompanied by . th ^. '“P e ^ re ? rov/ ned looks

Balban always maintained the external d g y> writes that

and displayed an -vSts of

after his accession to the throne, , , cks and the head-

Balban never saw him wlt 1 ho | lt r ? y i SD o^ who displayed his auto-
gear**. He was a typical ‘oriental despot ‘ re y alm through

cratic powers and the grandeur and P P ^ persian model

his court. He organised a S raad , Asia for its pomp and
which became famous throughou , d conceive of royal

magnificence; all that the ■ ^maginatu » could ^J^^ed

splendour was and cotton garments, studded

costumes made of fine silken, . naments . Balban sat on a huge
with jewels, diamonds gold or prec i 0 us diamonds which

throne, bedecked with rich drape y P . , j tan stood his

dazzled the eyes of the onlooters; behm hea vily
guards tall and muscular Turkish ,^ s ’ prost ration and paibos
armed, with drawn-out sword 8 . Sijda normal forms G f

or kissing of the feet of the su a JJ bility and visitors utterly
salutation in the court which left . d y Stern discipline was

humbled, terror-stricken and du bjou^ ^ foreign d i gn i tar ies

enforced m the durbar, the .. t, u t tw0 r epresenta-

occupied their seats in a specified ,j throughout the court

tives of the Caliph, had to P J? soe ak 8 without the permission

defy his orders.

. . . « uptwepn the high-born and the low-born

Balban discriminated . unequal treatment o

people; the former were further given unc 4

55. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze j[JJ?; rarv sea ts much lower than

56. Even they were made to sit on ordinary seais

throne.

120

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

racial considerations. He never gave high posts to the non-
Turks or men of doubtful antecedents. Noble pedigree became
a lad with him. Kamal Mahiya, a capable military officer and
administrator was not appointed iqtadar of Amroha just because
he turned out to be the son of a Hindu convert; even those high
officials who had recommended his name for the appointment
were reprimanded and punished. Asa matter of fact, Balban
suffered from an inferiority complex which tempted him to assume
a haughty and aggressive demeanour against the ccmmoners; his
prejudicial conduct towards the ruling elite was in no way condu-
cive to the well-being of the Delhi Sultanate and its grandees.

Balban conducted himself as a deeply religious man; he offered
the daily prayers and observed other Islamic rituals with regu-
larity . He paid respects to the ulemas and the saints, and held
discusssons with them on shariat and religious philosophy. He
was eager to make himself popular as the just monarch among
his subjects because the administration of even-handed justice was
known to be a divine quality. He, however, threw all norms of
justice, humanitarianism or moral considerations to the winds
while dealing with his opponents, and committed inhuman barba-
rities on the innocent subjects under the pretext of restoring law
and order . 67

Liquidation of ‘the Forty ’ : A number of Shamsi nobles
belonging to ‘the Forty’ held high offices as ministers, military
generals and provincial governors when Balban became the sultan.
Individually, they were no match for Balban nor did they challenge
his claim to the throne. Having been one of them, Balban,
however, knew fully well that they were highly ambitious, resource-
ful and cunning politicians ; they had collectively been respon-
sible for downgrading the office of the sultan by usurping the
royal powers and prerogatives. Balban apprehended that, given
the opportunity, they would not hesitate in establishing their
dominance over him. Balban was, however, keen to establish
an absolute monarchy and the Shamsi nobles were the greatest
stumbling block in rhe realisation of this objective. He, therefore,
made up his mind to blunt their striking power ; his desire was
to remove the ladder by which he had once risen to the exalted
office of the sultan. Balban adopted a slow but steady policy

57 .

Firishta describes the atrocities committed by Balban on the innocent sub-
jects at Lakhnauti at the time of Tugbril’s revolt, in these words: ,

Gheias-ood-Decn Balban, finding the enemy had dispersed, retur
to Bengal, and put to death every member of the rebel s . ^ 1 -Tj
did not even spare his innocent women and children; and ne carr
his rigour so far as to order the execution of a hundred holy mcnw-
cants, together with their chief KuKundur. .

— John Briggs, History of the Rise of Mahomednn P ower in Indio Ti
the Year 1611 AD, Translated from the original ’Persian of Mahomed
Kasim Ferishta; 4 vols; (London, -1829), Indian reprint, Calcutta, I* .
I, pp 147-48.

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE

121

to undermine the political status and reduce the military power
of these nobles. Many of them were sent out of the capital on
dangerous and risky assignments \ military generals were usually
kept on the move. A number of the Shamsi nobles were posted
as iqtadars in the north-western region with the apparent object
of checkmating the Mongol menace. Their concentration in a
strategic region produced interesting results. The Mongols posed
a constant danger to their security and called for concerted
efforts to deal with them. The Shamsi nobles failed to coordinate
their military efforts, found fault with each other on lapses in
the defence arrangements and exhibited feelings of mutual
jealousy. Those who suffered defeats at the hands of the Mongols
were dismissed, disgraced or executed by Balban.

Balban ordered frequent transfers of the provincial governors
so that they might not develop vested interests at any particular
place. He was a racialist who gave preference to the Turks over
all other communities of the Muslims ; he promoted many junior
Turkish officers to higher posts and put them at par with ‘the
Forty’, who were also Turks -but with the special characteristic
that all of them had once been the slaves of Ihutmish. Gradually,
an entirely new class of the Turkish nobility came into existence
which transplanted the Shamsi nobles.

Balban adopted a dominating and rather stern attitude
towards each of the Shamsi nobles. He took them to task for the -
minor lapses in the discharge of their official duties and inflicted
deterrent punishment on the defaulters. A report was received
by him that Malik Baqbak, the governor of Badaun, had beaten
a servant to death ; the Malik was flogged publicly, demoted
and disgraced. Haibat Khan, the governor of Oudh, while under
the influence of drink, put a man to death. He was whipped
publicly, receiving 500 stripes on his bare body which left him
in a pool of blood. He was then handed over to the widow of
the deceased who was authorised to stab him to death ;
the kinsmen of Haibat Khan secured his release from the
woman by paying a compensation of 20,000 tankas but the noble
died of his wounds soon after. Sher Khan Sanqar,'the cousin of
Balban, had been one of his trusted friends and close allies since
the beginning of their career as slive officers of Ihutmish.

A capable military general, Sunqar stood as a bulwark against
the Mongol marauders on the north-western frontier. He however,
incurred the displeasure of Balban because he failed to turn up
in Delhi and pay personal salutations to him at the time of his
coronation. Balban began to distrust him and ultimately got him
poisoned to death 58 in 1270.

58, Barani, Tank// i Fiovze S/ia/ii: pp 108-09.

1 22 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

- Balban set up a network of newswriters and spies (bands)
throughout his dominions. They received fat salaries and acted
under the direct control of the sultan, quite independent of the
provincial governors and military generals. They despatched prompt
reports to the Sultan about all the important developments in
their, areas of posting, and kept a strict watch over the activities

of all the high-ups, including the ministers, the princes and other
members of the royal household. The spies and newswriters
were severely punished if they failed to submit correct and prompt
reports to the sultan about the wrongful activities of the no-
bility. The newswriter of Badaun, who had failed to report
against Malik Baqbak, was hanged on the city-gate of Badaun. 69
The efficient spy system of Balban struck terror in the hearts of the
government employees, strengthened the hold of the central govern-
ment over them and helped the sultan in the establishment of an
absolute monarchy.

Suppression of Revolt in Bengal ( 1279-81 ) : The year 1279 was
a critical year for Balban. He was confined to bed with illness and
there seemed to be no hope of his survival. About this time, the
Mongols launched a massive attack on the north-west frontier ; the
royal army led by prince Muhammad was locked up in a deadly
conflict with them. At this critical juncture. Tughril Khan, the
governor of Bengal, declared his independence ; incidently, he
had been one of the most trusted slave officers of Balban' himself.
The Sultan ordered Amin Khan, the governor of Oudh, to bring
him to his knees; he was defeated and repulsed by Tughril. Balban
called the defeated general to Delhi and executed him. The
second royal army led by Tirmati Khan also suffered defeat at
the hands of Tughril ; Tirmati was beheaded at the Sultan’s
orders. It alerted the military generals who hastened to offer
their services to suppress the revolt. Balban was not the man to
bear these defeats lying down ; inspite of his failing health, he
himself commanded the third army of invasion ; more than two
lakhs of additional troopers were supplied by the iqtadars ot
the Gangetic valley and thousands of boats plied the Ganges to
facilitate the movement of soldiers and supplies. On hearing ol
the Sultan’s approach, Tughril Khan lost Jiis heart and fled the
capital, which was occupied by the royal armies without a fight.
Tughril took shelter in the jungles of Jajnagar (Orissa) but was
discovered and killed ; his head was presented to the Sultan.
Balban gave vent to his barbaric emotions by wreaking vengeance
on all the friends, supporters and relatives of Tughril. 60

59 ibid: p 101.

60 Barani explains Hie aftermath ol' Tughi ifs revolt as follows: hould

The sultan returned to l.akhnauti and there ordered thn gibbets snou
he erected alone both sides of the great harms which ’ "nd

A, iv in length. He orde.ed a" the sons and ions-mdaw orTuuhr L a
all men who had served him or borne arms for Jam, to be slam anu

( ' . 'r s

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE \ f, 123-0 '

Bughra Khan, the second son of Balban, was- ..appointed
governor of Bengal with the stem warning byv-ttie sultan -that if
ever he revolted against Delhi, he would meer%^-similar fateT'
The prince felt so much dejected at the barbarous deed sr:qf-B a] ban
that later on, he declined the offer of the dying father to "accept'
nomination to the throne. 61

Defence of North-western Frontier : When Balban became
the Sultan, his cousin Sher Khan Sunqar held charge of the north-
western frontier. He defended the region from the Mongol
in roads with ability and courage. On his death in 1270, the crown
prince Muhammad was deputed to be the warden of the marches
with general supervisory powers over the provinces of Lahore,
Multan and Uchh. Balban created a second line of defence
under the command of his second son Bughra Khan. The latter
was given charge of the iqtas of Sunam, Samana and Dipalpur. He
held under his control a chain of forts at all the strategic places ;
these were heavily garrisoned by the state troops. Balban him-
self stayed in the capital as far as possible 62 and personally
supervised the defence arrangements made against the Mongol
penetration into dominions. A special force of 30,000 well-
equipped cavalry was kept in reserve exclusively to reinforce the
border contingents at a moment’s notice. On the whole, Balban’s
policy to checkmate the Mongol menace was defensive in nature ;
he did not attempt.to liberate the whole of north-western region
from them. The major towns of Lahore, Multan and Uchh were,
of course, kept under control by the royal troops though at a
heavy cost in men and material.

placed upon the gibbets. ..The punishments went on during the two or
three days that the sultan remained at Lakhnauti and the beholders
were so horrified that they nearly died of fear. I, (the author) have
heard from several old men that such punishment was inflicted on (sic)
Lakhnauti as had never been heard of in Delhi, and no one could reme-
mber anything like it in Hindustan.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi: pp. 119-20.

61. ibid; pp 120-21 & 123.

62. Barani has. the following to say on the subject:

The intimate friends and officers of Balban often said to him, “How is
it that with your well-equipped and disciplined army, you do not under-
take any distant compaign, and never move out of your territory to
conquer other regions?”

The Sultan replied, “These accursed wretches (Mongols) have heard
of the wealth and prosperity of Hindustan, and have set their hearts
upon conquering and plundering it. They have taken and plunder
Lahore, within my territories, and no year passes that they do not come
here and plunder the villages. They watch the opportunity of my
departure on a distant campaign to enter my cities and ravage the
whole Doab. They even talk about the conquest and sack of Delhi.
I have devoted all the revenues of my sources ready and prepared to
receive them. I never leave my kingdom, nor will I go to any distance
from it,

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; pp 102-03,

124

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL rNDJA

In 1285, the Mongol leader Timur Khan of Afghanistan
launched a major attack on the Punjab. Prince Muhammad
gave him a bold fight but lost his life in the combat, and the
towns of Lahore and Dipalpur were plundered by the marauders.
The 'provinces of Multan and Uchh were, however, protected from
the Mongol fury by the royal troops under the command of Kai
Khusrau, the youthful son of the deceased Prince Muhammad.

Balban could not survive the shock of the untimely death of
the crown Prince and died a broken-hearted man about the middle
of 1287. He was in his eightieth year at the time of his death.

An Estimate

Balban was one of the greatest sultans of Delhi. A great
warrior, administrator and statesman, he established an absolute
monarchy and consolidated the Turkish rule in northern India.
He did not resort to fresh conquests but kept a firm hold over the
territorial heritage of his illustrious master Iltutmish. Together,
they laid the foundations of the Turkish rule in Delhi so deep
that, soon afterwards, under the reign of Alauddin Khalji, it was
transformed into the imperial government of India which held
its sway, directly or indirectly, over the whole of the sub-conti-
nent and lasted five centuries. Balban protected the sultanate
from internal disorders and external danger from the Mongols ;
he restored perfect law and order within his dominions and
crushed the insubordinate officials and anti-social elements with
an iron hand. He not only propounded the theory of divine
rights of kingship but also possessed a high sense of the sover-
eign’s duty. 63 He was extremely conscientious and hardworking
man. He administered even-handed justice to the public andLshow-
ed no mercy even to his kith and kin'if found guilty. His punish-
ments were rather excessive and cruel which struck terror in the
hearts of the people. A strong disciplinarian, Balban oemanded
abject submission and loyalty from the nobility and brooked no
laxity in the administrative affairs on the part of the government
officers. He was a great patron of learning ; a galaxy of
scholars, saints and poets, including Amir Khusrau (1253-1325)

63. Barani writes that

Sultan Ghiyasuddin Balban was a man of experience in matters of
government. From being a rruilik he became a khan, and fro rn being
a khan he became a king. When he attained the throne, he imparted
-to it new lustre, he brought the administration into order, and restored
to efficiency institutions whose power had been shaken or destroyed.

-The dignity and authority of government were restored, and his strin-
gent rules and resolute determination caused all men, high and low,
throughout his dominions, to submit to his authority. Fear and awe
of him took possession of ah men’s hearts, but his justice and his con-
sideration for his people won the favour of his subjects and made them
zealous supporters of his throne.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi p. 99.

FOUNDATION OF THE DELHI SULTANATE 125

‘the parrot of India’ (Tuti e Hind), adorned his court. He
presented an ideal moral character and exhorted his children
and nobles to do likewise. He was devoted to the faith, spent
his leisure in the company of the saints and scholars and extended
liberal patronage to them. He was very- respectful towards the
ulema though he did not permit them to interfere in state
affairs. By granting asylum and huge privy purses to the central
Asian fugitive princes, Balban won their goodwill and made
himself famous in the far off lands. As a consequence, brilliant
scholars, military generals and administrators -from the Muslim
countries flocked to his court for service and settlement in India.
Balban’s Successors

Balban cemented the foundations of the Sultanate of Delhi
albeit he was not destined to perpetuate his ruling dynasty on
the throne of Delhi ; the premature death of the crown prince
Muhammad sounded its death-knell during the very life-time of
Balban. His second son Bughra Khan was content with his rule
over Bengal ; he did not oblige his dying father by accepting
his nomination to the throne. Balban was, therefore, constrained
to nominate Kai Khusrau, the promising son of prince Muhammad
to succeed him to the throne, and died three days later. The
Turkish nobles, led by Fakhruddin, the aged kotwal of Delhi,
did not honour their master’s will and placed Kaikubad, the
seventeen year-old son of Bughra Khan on the throne ; Kai
Khusrau was sent out of the capital as governor of Multan and
Uchh. It led to a sharp division among the nobles which proved
disastrous for the ruling family of Balban. 64 Kaiqubad indulged
in sensual pleasures and the power of the state was usurped by
Nizamuddin, a son-in-law of Fakhruddin. Nizamuddin started
the evil game of liquidating his rivals ; by his orders, Kai Khusrau,
the rival claimant to the throne, was secretly put to death.
Nizamuddin was, in turn, poisoned to death by Kaiqubad, on a
confidential advice received from his father Bughra Khan. About
this time, Kaiqubad, to his misfortune, suffered from a stroke of
paralysis and was incapacitated when he was hardly twenty. It
signalled the outbreak of near anarchy in the state ; the rival
factions of the nobles came into open clash with each other. In
1290, Jalaluddin Khalji, the governor of Samana and leader of
one of the factions, occupied Delhi by a military coup and
declared himself the sultan. Kaiqubad was kicked to death by a
Khalji soldier and thrown into the Jumuna while his infant son
Kaimurs died in confinement in March 1 290. The ruling dynasty
of Balban thus came to an end within three years of his death ; it
also marked the end of the so-called Slave dynasty, founded by
Qutubuddin Aibek.

64. In the words of Barani,

From the day that Balban, the father of his people, died, all security
of life and property was lost, and no one had any confidence in the
stability of the kingdom. Muizzuddin (Kaiqubad) had not reigned
a year before the chiefs and nobles quarrelled with doubt; and the
people, seeing the troubles and hardships which had befallen the coun-
try, signed for a renewal of the reign of Balban.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi, p. 125.

6

Khalji imperialism

I : Jalaluddin Firoze Khalji
(1290-96)

The Khalji Revolution

The Khaljis were one of the sixty-four clans of the Turks.
They migrated to modern Afghanistan in the fourth century of the
Christian era where they gradually adopted Afghan socio-cultural
traits and were usually mistaken for them. 1 They joined the
armies of Mahmud and Muhammad Ghori in large numbers and
won applause from their masters for loyal and efficient service.
When Muhammad Ghori was defeated and badly wounded in the
first battle of Tarain (1 190a. d.) at the hands of Prithvi Raj III
Chauhan, a Khalji soldier saved his life and drove him to safety.
Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khalji rose to be a military general
of Muhammad Ghori, and he was given a free hand by the Sultan
in the conquest of Bihar and Bengal; he was rewarded with
appointment as the governor of the conquered territories under
the overall supervision of Qutubuddin Aibek, the viceroy of
Delhi. Under the independent rule of Aibek and the successive
sultans of Delhi, the governorship of Bihar and Bengal was held
by the Khalji nobles almost as a matter of right; a couple of them
even dared to set up as independent rulers at Lakhnauti and defied
the central authority of Delhi. They afforded ample opportuni-
ties to the men of their clan to secure civil and military assign-
ments. Incidently, the Mongols carried fire and sword into the
valleys of Helmand and Kabul in the beginning of the thirteenth

1. Barani records that Jalaluddin Khalji, the founder pfthe dynasty, ‘came
of a race different from that of the Turks, so that he had no confidence in
them, nor would the Turks own him as belonging to the number of their
friends ’. — Tarikh i Firoze ShnUi; E &-D. Ill, Indian reprint (Kitab Manat),
p.134.

KHAUI IMPERIALISM

127

century, which compelled the Khaljis to migrate en mass to India
and swell the ranks of the Muslim immigrants who made settle-
ments in the Gangetic velley as agriculturists and soldiers. They
constituted the masses among the Muslim settlers; a few of their
leaders occupied but subordinate administrative and military posts
under the sultans of Delhi. They had no claims to political
power in Turkistan or Afghanistan nor were they recognised as
a part of the ruling elite of Delhi. The Mamluk founders of the
Delhi Sultanate introduced racialism in Muslim politics to serve
their personal ends: they exercised racial discrimination at higher
levels with a vengeance — each of the three prominent rulers,
Aibek, Iltutmish and Balban, created new classes of the nobility,
composed exclusively of their own Turkish slave officers. Such
a policy was not conducive to the welfare of the nascent Islamic
state in India because it invariably led to a tug of war between
the rival factions of the nobility. The capital was constantly,
plagued by court intrigues, disaffection and political murders,
occasionally bursting forth into open revolts and bloodbaths
which did not spaie the sultans either. This game of power-
politics, based on racial considerations, proved disastrous for the
Muslim nobility as a class which constituted the backbone of the
sultanate; it wiped out many a capable military general, adminis-
trator and scholar and deprived the state of their useful
services. Balban made racialism and genealogy a fad in the
matter of recruitment to higher services. It provoked widespread
resentment among the Muslim masses whose number was ever on
the increase by the addition of Hindu convertgjhnd foreign im-
migrants. It gave a setback to the promising youth amongst-
them who aspired to secure gainful employment and build their
caieers on personal merit: they were alienated against the privileged
aristocrary as it had come into existence during the rule of the
Mamluk sultans. JaLiIttddin Khalji, the governor of Samana under
Kaiqubad, belonged to the unprivileged Muslim masses who
came to acquire a position of prominence at the royal court.
Therefore, when he carried out a military coup against the succes-
sors of Balban, he enjoyed by and large the cooperation, support
and good wishes of the Muslim mas>es although the aristocracy
of Delhi took some time to shed their prejudice against the man,
representing the wretched of the soil who had dared to claim the
throne. 2 The accession to the throne of Jalaluddin Khalji was,
therefore, not a mere change of dynasty; it signified a revolution
in the Muslim politics of India. It marked the end of an epoch
of racial discrimination among the ruling elite and sounded the

2. Barani'writes that:

In the course of the first year of his reign, the citizens and soldiers and
traders of all degrees and classes went to Kilughari, where the Sultan
held a public darbar. They were struck with admiration and amaze-
ment at seeing the Khiljis occupying the throne of the Turks, and won-
dered how the throne had passed from the one to the other.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shalii ; p.136.

1 28 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OP MEDIEVAL INDIA

death-knell of the privileged Turkish nobility who had perpetuated
their dominance in Muslim politics for nearly a century. Consi-
dered from this angle, it would be wrong to say that with the
establishment of the Khalji dynasty, there started an era of
Muslim rule m Delhi as compared with the Turkish rule of the
earlier phase.

Early Career of Jalaluddin Khalji

Jalaluddin Khalji did not claim an aristocratic pedigree,* he
started his career as a petty soldier under lltutmish or Balban.
During the reign of the latter, he was posted in the northwestern
region as a military commander of subordinate rank. At the
time of Balban’s death, Jalaluddin was the iqiadar of Samana;
he was then an old man of sixty-seven who' had spent nearly the
whole of his life in the faithful and devoted service to the sulta-
nate. He had fought many a successful action against the
Mongols and earned reputation as seasoned soldier and capable
administrator. He had carved out a respectable place for him-
self among the old grandees of the sultanate purely by dint of
merit. He was a man of non-pohtical nature who seldom asso-
ciated himself with the court cliques or military groups formed
by the privileged Turkish nobility. Jalaluddin acquired afoot-
hold at the royal court during the short reign of Kaiqubad
(1287-90) when he was appointed sar i jandar— the chief of the
royal bodyguards’ by the young Sultan. After the death of
Mulik Nizamuddin, Jalaluddin was made governor of Baran and
ariz i mutmlik — ‘the chief of the army staff’ and conferred the
title of Shaista Khan; thereafter, his rise to power was quick.
He at once shot into prominence as the champion of the hitherto
unprivileged subordinate military officers, including the youthful
and ambitious Khaljis, Taziks (freeborn Turks) and ‘Indian
Muslims’ (Hindu converts to Islam and their offsprings) who
had been deprived of higher offices under Balban because of
racial considerations. For the first time in the history of the
sultanate of Delhi a balance of power was struck between the
privileged Turkish nobility and the other Muslim officers at the
court. The former were represented by Malik Aitmar Ktchhan,
th e amir ibarbak, and Malik Aitmar Surkha, the vakil i dar,
when they attempted to re-allocate higher offices on racial basis
so as to re-establish the dominance of the privileged Turks, they
met with vehement opposition from the young Khalji and the
Indian Muslim officers. The two Aitmars hatched a conspiracy
to put their rivals, including Jalaluddin Khalji, to death but the
latter got wind of it and carried out a military coup in retaliation;
Kachhan and Surkha were killed. As recorded earlier, the bed-
ridden Kaiqubad, who had suffered from a stroke of paralysis

<9

3. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Sltahi; p.134.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

129

was also killed and thrown into the Jumna 4 while his infant son Kai-
murs was carried away to the leader of the revolution, Jalaluddin,
at the army camp. Jalaluddin emerged as the undisputed master
of the state but, even at this stage, he hesitated in assuming the
reigns of government in his own hands. He offered the regency
of the child-sultan first to Malik Chhajju, a nephew of Balban,
and then to Fakhruddin, the old kotwal of Delhi and once a
personal friend of Balban, but both them declined the offer. Jala-
luddin declared himself- the regent of Sultan Kaimurs reluctantly,

, struck coins in the name of K.aimurs and carried on the administra-
tion on his behalf for about three months when his youthful Khalji
nobles persuaded him to declare himself the sultan in June 1290;
Kaimurs was thrown into the jail and put to death soon after-
wards.

Domestic Policy : Jalaluddin Khalji crowned himself at
Kailugharhi 5 in the vicinity of Delhi; he stayed away from the
old capital for about a year until its inhabitants, particularly the
aristocratic families, were fully reconciled to the change of dynas-
ties and the democratisation of power-politics. He won them
over by his virtuous habits, generosity and good government.
He accorded liberal treatment to his political opponents, most
of whom were allowed to retain their old offices. He offered
higher posts to the young Khalji and other military commanders
albeit the old guards, including malik id umara Fakhruddin, the
kotwal of Delhi, Khwaja Khatir, the wazir, and Malik Chhajju,
the governor of Kara and Manikpur (Oudh), were all confirmed
in their old assignments and granted official privileges. Jalaluddin
agreed to move to Delhi only when a deputation of the leading
citizens waited upon him and pleaded with him to grace the capital
by his presence 6 .

Jalaluddin ruled for six years but he never considered himself
fit to-occupy the exalted office of the sultan and dared not sit on
the magnificent throne of Balban whom he had served all his
life as a humble servant. His utmost humility and tenderness
won applause from the common man albeit the ambitious Khalji
nobles, who had helped his rise to power, felt frustrated and de-
moralised; they considered the conduct of Jalaluddin to be beneath
the dignity of a sovereign which downgraded the new ruling

4. ibid., pp.134-35.

5. Kilughari, Kilukhari or Kilokheri.

6. In the words of Barani,

Some time passed, and still the Sultan did not go into the city (Delhi),
but the authority of his government acquired strength. The excellence
of his character, his justice, generosity, and devotion, gradually removed
the aversion of the people (aristocracy), and hopes of grants of land
assisted in conciliating, though grudgingly and unwillingly the affection
of his people ..and the Sultan, with great pomp and a fine retinue, went
into the city and alighted at the palace ( Daulat Khan).

— Tarikh i Firoze Sliatii; pp.1 36-37.

130

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

house in the estimation of the public. They were eager to con-
trol the e ? tlr ®, st;ite *niachinery by replacing the old aristocracy
and restoring the pomp and grandeur of Balban’s days. Jalaluddin
deprived them of the real taste of power and failed to inspire
respect ana confidence among the leaders of the revolution.
They dubbed him as senile a physical and mental wreck who was
unfit and unworthy of conducting the affairs of the state. No
wonder, they gradually rallied round his youthful nephew and
son-in-law Alauddin Khalji who symbolised their aspirations and
the lust for power. A few instances of Jalaluddin’s weak policy
would suffice to show their disenchantment with the old sultan.

Malib Chhajju, the chief survivor of Balban’s family, was
allowed to take all the other members of the Ilbari aristocracy
to Kara. Within three months of Jalaluddin’s accession to the
throne, Cl hajjU raised a standard of revolt against Delhi in
collaboration with some refractory Hindu zamindars of the
Gangetic valley. He assumed the title of Sultan Mughisuddin,
struck coins and got the khutba read in his name. He was
defeated and taken prisoner along with hundreds of his followers.
Jalaluddin was overwhelmed to seethe ex-ruling elite of Delhi in
chains and ordered their release to the great chagrin of the Khalji
nobles who had shed their blood in suppressing the revolt. 'Hie
ex-rebels were fetted and toasted and restored to their lost material
fortunes; Malik Chhajju was sent to Multan to lead a comfor-
table life under the general surveillance of its governor Arkali
Khan, the second son of the Sultan. Malik Ahmad Chap, a
sister’s son of the Sultan who held the offic- of amir ibarbak,
publicly criticised Jalaluddin for this uncalled for generosity
shown to the enemies of the state 7 but the Sultan justified his
conduct on humanitarian grounds.

There was a marked deterioration in the general law and
order situation ever since the of death of Balban. The roads
around the capital were infested by the highway robbers once
again. The sultan took prompt measures to suppress their
nefarious activities but refrained from imitating the ‘blood and
iron’ policy of Balban in inflicting punishments. He let them oil
after administering a warning that they would never again resor
to anti-social activities. It is said that a thousand of the tliugs
were put in the state-owned boats, provided with food-stunsan
banished to Bengal on securing the promise that they would not
return to his kingdom in future. 8 How far these extraordinary
humanitarian measures proved successful in t reforming in
criminals is not known ; it is however certain that his weak pon y
towards the anti-social elements lowered the prestige ol the suu
and made him a laughing stock of the people.

7. Barani. Tttrikh i Firoie Shah!: pp.l 38-40.

8. ibid.. p.\4t .

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

131

Execution of Sidi Maula : There was, however, one exception
to the above-mentioned lenient policy of Jalaluddin ; it related
to the execution of a darvesh named Sidi Maula. He came
to Delhi from Persia 0 in the reign of Balban and was initiated
to Sufism by Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj i Shakar of Pakpatan
(Ajodhan). Sidi Maula was a godly fellow of high moral character
who, according .to Barani, lived a simple and frugal life ; he
‘kept no servant or handmaid’ and ‘took nothing from any one ’. 10
Amongst his followers and advisers were included quite a few
nobles and liberal-minded ulema. After Balban’s death, there was
tremendous increase in the number of Sidi Maula’s followers. His
khanqah became a place of pilgrimage for thousands who came
from far and near to seek his blessings. They were served with free
meals _ at the khanqah ; obviously, arranged by a self-constituted
committee of local patrons and volunteers, and provided out of the
donations, in cash and kind, received from the devotees. In the
words of Barani, ‘twice a day, such bounteous and various meals
were served as no khan or trial ik could furnish ’. 11 It became an
extra cause of attraction for the capital’s urchins who thronged
the khanqah and feasted themselves at the free kitchen. Sidi Maula
approved of all these festivities and mixed up freely with the high-
ups of the state. It is said that during the course of a visit to
Pakpatan, ‘he was advised by Shaikh Farid to have nothing to do
with maliks and amirs and beware of their intimacy as dangerous*
because ‘no darvesh ever kept up such an intimacy, but in the end
found -it disastrous ’. 12 Sidi Maula did not, however, heed the
advice of Shaikh Farid and ultimately landed himself into trouble.

It so happened that Sidi Maula’s khanqah became a meeting
place for the disaffected and ambitious nobles who did not see
eye to eye with the newly established Khalji rule. They hatched
a conspiracy to murder Jalaluddin Khalji when the latter went
in state to the Jama Masjid on Sabbath', and proclaim Sidi Maula
to be the Khalifa. If was also proposed that in order to establish
his claim to the throne, Sidi Maula would marry a daughter of
the late Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud. Sidi Maula was made a
party to the intrigue through the evil office of ‘a mischievous
man’ Qazi Jalal Kashani. As luck would have it, one of the persons
present at a secret meeting of the conspirators carried informa-
tion to the Sultan. Sidi Maula and other conspirators were appre-
hended and produced in the durbar. They ‘strenuously denied the
charge’ and the Sultan became agreeable to give them mild punish-
ments by way of a reprimand.

To his misfortune, however, Sidi Maula, because of his
liberal religious views and unorthodox practices, had aroused the

9. Then known as the wilayat i mulk i bala — ‘the upper country’.

10. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 144.

11- ibid., p.144.

12. ibid.

132

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

hostility of some fanatical mullas too. Barani states that he ‘had
peculiar notions about religion’ and, to the great chagrin of the
conservative mullas, ‘never went to public prayers in the mosque’.
They, therefore, dubbed him an heretic and wanted him to be
liquidated. One of their leaders, Shaikh Abu Bakr Tusi, was
present in the durbar with a number of his followers when Sidi
Maula was presented to the sultan in handcuffs. The darvesh enraged
the sultan in an altercation, who, in a fit of anger, turned towards
Tusi and his disciples and said.

O' Darvesh ! avenge me of the Mania. 13

Thereupon, one of Tusi’s men, pounced upon Sidi and ‘cut him
several times with a razor’. Arkali Khan 14 had been watching
this incident from the balcony of the palace ; he made an instant
‘sign to an elephant driver who drove his elephant over Sidi and
trampled him under its feet’. It was thus that Sidi Maula met
with his tragic end at the hands of ‘the most humane king’ who
could not endure the plotting of a darvesh, and gave an order
which broke through their prestige and sanctity. 1 * The execution
of Sidi Maula has left a blot on the otherwise fair name of
Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji

Encounter with the Mongols 1292 A.D- : Abdulla, a grandson
of Halaku Khan, invaded India in 1292 at the head of 1.5 lakh
Mongols. They spread themselves . all over the northwestern
region and penetrated as far as Sunam which was plundered and
laid waste. Jalaluddin moved swiftly from the capital and defeated
the Mongols in a number of bloody actions. Abdulla made
peace with Delhi and returned to Afghanistan while thousands of
the Mongols, who had been taken prisoners, embraced Islam and
were allowed to settle down in India. In order to win their
goodwill, the Sultan offered the hand of one of his daughters to
their leader Ulghu Khan, a descendant of Chengez Khan. The
Mongol converts were called ‘new Mussalmans’ and their settle-
ment near Delhi came to be known as Mughalpura. The youthful
Khalji nobles criticised Jalaluddin for having followed a policy
of appeasement towards the Mongols. As a matter of fact, it
was a great achievement of Jalaluddin that he had been successful
in the propagation of Islam among the Mughals.. The Mongol
converts espoused the cause of Jalaluddin’s family and created
troubles for Alauddin Khalji at a later stage.

Campaigns Against Rajputs : Jalaluddin’s foreign policy is
also said to have been ‘weak and imbecile’ his fccblc-mindedncss
and tender nature cast its reflection on his dealings with the

13. Barani, Tarikh Firozc Shahi; p.145.

14. Then the heir apparent to the throne because his cldcrbrothcr Khan i Khanan
had died a premature death in 1290 A.D.

15. Barani. Tarikh i Firnre Slialii: o.l 46.

KHALJ1 fMI'EKlAUSM

133

neighbouring Rajput states. He ice! art expedition against
Ranthambhor in 1290 ; the fori, though conquered by Qutubuddin
Aibek, had been lost to the Chauhan Rajputs after the death
of lltutmish. The Rajputs ollcted a tough lesistance and com-
pelled Jalaluddin to raise the siege. The Sultan returned to
Delhi with the plea that the fort ‘could not be conquered without
sacrificing the lives of many Mussulmans’ and that he ‘did not
value the fort so much as the heir of one Mussulman*. 16 The only
gain of the expedition was the annexation of a small district of
Jhain.

[n 1292, Jalaluddin Khalji led yet another expedition against
the Rajputs. The fort of Mandor, situated about four miles to
the north of Jodhpur, was recovered from Samant Singh Chauhan ;
the royal army plundered the neighbourhood and returned to
Delhi with a huge booty. The object of this expedition seemed
to have been to exercise military pressure upon Ranthambhor
and prepare ground for the future conquest of that Chauhan
citadel.

Alauddin's Expeditions : Jalaluddin Khalji’s reign is marked
by two more successful expeditions against the Hindu rulers ; these
were, however, led not by the sultan but by his youthful nephew
and son-in-law Alauddin (Ali Gurshasp) Khalji, the governor of
Kara since 1291. With the permission of Delhi, Alauddin led a
surprise attack on Bhilsa (1292 a.d.), situated on the road to
Ujjain, and put it to plunder. He carried a huge booty, including
gold and silver, elephants and horses, to Delhi to the great delight
of Sultan Jalaluddin. As a reward for this brilliant exploit,
the Sultan appointed him ariz i mwnalik — the minister of war’, and
doubled his administrative assignment by adding Oudh to the
iqta of Kara.

It was at Bhilsa that Alauddin Khalji heard of the richness
and prosperity of the country of Devagiri or Deogir (Daulatabad
in modern Maharashtra), situated between the Vindhya mountains
and the river Krishna. It was ruled by Ram Chandra Deva
(1271-1310) of the Yadava dynasty. Under the wise and bene-
volent rule of its kings, the people of Devagiri had enjoyed internal
peace and freedom from external invasions for over a century ;
they had flourishing trade and commerce relationships with the
overseas countries. 17 Initial success at Bhilsa, emboldened
Alauddin to plan a bigger expedition against Devagiri and lay his

16. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi ; pp.146-47

17. According to Barani,

The people of that country (Devagiri) had never heard of the Mussal-
mans; the Mahratta land had never been punished by their (Muslim)
armies; no Mussalman king or prince had penetrated so far. Deogir
was exceedingly rich in gold and silver, jewels and other valuables.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi ; p.150.

134

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

hands upon the fabulous wealth of the south which had so far
remained free from Muslim invaders. He made vigorous prepara-
tions for over two years for the proposed enterprise ; and secured
adequate information, through the native travellers as well as
his own spies, regarding the southern route and the political
developments of the region albeit he kept his plan a closely guarded
secret. Alauddin obtained sanction from the sultan for the
conquest of Chanderi and its adjoining territories and left Kara
with 8,000 picked cavalry on February 26, 1296. The administra-
tion of Kara and Oudh was entrusted by him to his close asso-
ciate Malik Alaul Mulk, uncle of Ziauddin Barani, the celebrated
historian of the times to come. Alaul Mulk kept Delhi in
ignorance about the real designs and movements of Alauddin
Khalji by sending ‘fabricated news’ ; Alauddin’s younger brother
Almas Beg 18 safeguarded his interests at the royal court in Delhi.

Alauddin actually marched to the neighbourhood of Chan-
deri, then took a sharp turn towards the south, crossed the
Vindhyas and reached Eilichpur — ‘the northern outpost’ of the
Yadava kingdom. In order to lull the suspicions of the neigh-
bouring Hindu chieftains, he spread the rumour that he was a
run-away prince from the sultanate, intending to seek refuge in
the south. After allowing two days’ rest to his troopers at
Eilichpur, Alauddin thundered at the gates of Devagiri 19 to the
great bewilderment of Raja Ram Chandra Deva ; it was a' bolt
from the blue for the latter. About this time, the best part of the
Maratha army had been taken farther south by the crown prince
Singhana to settle some border dispute with a neighbouring state,
a fact which seems to have been already known to Alauddin
Khalji through his secret agents. Ram Chandra Deva shut him-
self up within the hill-fort, 20 giving a free hand to Alauddin Khalji
to plunder the town and take its leading citizens as captives.
Alauddin laid siege to the fort and gave out that he constituted
only an advance guard of Delhi and that the sultan was on his
way to Devagiri with 20,000 strong army. Totally non-plussed
and dejected, Ram Chandra Deva sued for peace and the release
of his citizens on payment of a huge ransom. Before the

18. He was also a son-in-law of Jalaluddin Khalji; and held the office oi amir i
akhur — ‘the master) of the horse’.

19. On the way from Eilichpur to Devagiri, Kanhana, a vassal of raja Ram
Chandra Deva, made an unsuccessful bid to stop the invader; his contin-
gent included two brave ladies who charged the enemy like ‘tigresses’ and
died fighting in the battlefield.

20. The fortress of Devagiri (mod. Daulatabad) is situated on an isolated cone-
shaped hill 640 feet high. The steepness and height of the rock required
a minimum of defences. Its walls, bastions, and a moat cut 50 feet deep
into solid rock, made up for the little deficiencies left by nature. But for
some time past, the Yadavas had felt too powerful to care for their own
defence, so that at the time of Alauddin 's invasion, the moat was lying dry
and unprotected, and the garrison was short of provisions.

— K.S. Lai, History of the Kholjls (1290-1320)-, Allahabad, 1950, pp.52-53.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

135

transaction could be completed, Singhana rushed back from the far
south with the Maratha army ; his father sent him a message that a
deal had already been struck with the invader ; nonetheless,
Singhana challenged Alauddin Khalji to surrender the booty and
vacate their kingdom. A daredevil Alauddin Khalji left his lieutenant
Nusrat Khan with only one thousand horse to continue the siege
of the fort and himself gave battle to the Marathas at a short
distance from Devagiri. After a day-long battle, the Turks were
heavily outnumbered and badly mauled ; they were on the verge
of collapse when Nusrat Khan, without seeking permission from
Alauddin, raised the siege of the fort and jumped into the battle-
field with his small contingent to the great relief of their colleagues.
The Marathas mistook them for the royal army of Delhi, lost
courage and fled the field. Undaunted courage, better war
strategy and good fortune turned the scales in favour of Alauddin
who quickly returned to the siege of the fort and, within a couple
of days, brought Ram Chandra Deva to his knees. The latter had to
part with a far greater war indemnity than before and promised
to pay the revenues of Ellichpur as tribute to Alauddin, who
hastened back to Kara, laden with immense booty . 21

On the receipt of information regarding Alauddin’s expedition
to Chanderi, Jalaluddin Khalji left Delhi with the royal army and
was encamped in the neighbourhood of Gwalior when he heard
of the real target of his nephew’s enterprise and his crowning
victory at Devagiri. He was ‘greatly pleased’ and ‘to celebrate
this success’, ‘gave entertainments and drank wine ’. 22 Some of his
wise counsellors, led by the outspoken Ahmad Chap , 23 advised
the -sultan to intercept Alauddin Khalji near Chanderi and secure
the spoils before he reached Kara. To his misfortune, however,
Jalaluddin did not heed to it, and returned to Delhi with the vain

2t. Barani does not.give the exact figures but Flrishta states that it included
600 maunds of gold, 1 ,000 maunds of silver, seven maunds of pearls, two
maunds of diamonds, rubies and other precious stones, and 4,000 pieces
of silk-stuff besides horses, elephants and slaves. — Firistha, ( Briggs ) /.
p.175.

22. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi: p.150.

23. Barani puts the following words in the mouth of Ahmad Chap:

Elephants and wealth when held in great abundance, are the cause of
much strife. Whoever acquires them becomes so intoxicated that he
does not know- his hands from his feet. Alauddin is surrounded by
many of the rebels and insurgents who supported Malik Chajju. He
has gone into a foreign land without leave, has fought battles and won
treasure. The wise have said ‘Money and’ strife; strife and money’ —
that is, the two things arc allied to each other. ..My opinion is that we
should march with all haste towards Chanderi to meet Alauddin and
intercept his return. When he finds the Sultan’s army in the way, he
must necessarily present all his spoils to the throne whether he likes it
or not. The Sultan may then take the silver and gold, the jewels and
pearls, the elephants and horses, and leave the other booty to him and
his soldiers His territories should also be increased, and he should
be carried in honour to Delhi.

— ibid', pp. 150-51.

136

advanced study in the HISTORY OP MEDIEVAL INDIA

hope that whatever his son-in-law and nephew had captured, he
would joyfully bring to him’. 24

On his way back, the Chauhans of Asirgarh attempted to in-
tercept Alauddin s train, laden heavily with booty, but were
repulsed by Alauddin’s archers ; the victor reached Kara on
June 3,1296. His expedition to Devagiri is by far one of the most
extraordinary exploits of medieval Indian history. 15

Murder of Jalaluddin Khalji : The success of the expedition to
Devagiri turned Alauddin’s head; he did not want to part with the
fabulous wealth acquired by his skill and at the risk of his own life.
He evaded a visit to Delhi on various pretexts and through
‘treacherous communications’ persuaded the Sultan to come to
Kara and receive the booty. Blinded by the affection for his
nephew, Jalaluddin disregarded the advice and protests of his
courtiers and proceeded to Kara ; he and his nobles travelled by
boats while a small contingent of a thousand horse, commanded
by Ahmad Chap, marched along the bank of the Yamuna. He
reached Kara ‘on the hither side of the Ganges’ on July 20,1296 ;
it being the rainy season, ‘the waters were out’ and ‘the Ganges
was very high’. Alauddin’s army was drawn in a battle-array on
the other side of the Ganges between Kara and Manikpur.
Through the connivance of the traitor Almas Beg, the aged Sultan
ordered his horsemen and bodyguards also to stay behind, ‘whilst
he, with two boats and a few personal attendants and friends, pas-
sed over to the other side’, in the midst of Alauddin’s army.
Alauddin ‘advanced to receive him, he and all his officers showing
due respect’. He ‘fell at the feet of the sultan’ and the latter ‘treating
him as a son’, hugged him, ‘kissed his eyes and cheeks’ and
chided him for doubting his uncle’s love. About this time, two of
Alauddin’s guards struck the Sultan down with their swords and
chopped off his head. 28 Barani records that;

While the head of the murdered sovereign was yet dripping
with blood, the ferocious conspirators brought the royal
canopy and elevated it over the head of Alauddin. Casting
aside all shame, the perfidious and graceless wretches caused
' to be proclaimed king by men who rode about on elephants.

fearani condemns this heinous crime in the most forceful terms.
All those who were a party to it received befitting punishments,

24. ibid., p.150.

25. Firishta opines that

there is scarcely anything to be compared with this exploit, whether wc
regard the resolution in forming Ibe plan, the boldness ol its execution,
or the great good fortune which attended its accomplishment.

—(Briggs), I, P-176.

26. For details refer to Barani, Tarikh i Hrozc Shahi; pp. 151-56

27. ibid; p.I55.

KHALJ1 IMPERIALISM 137

according to the contention of the author, at the hands of nature,
sooner or later . 28

An Estimate

Jalaluddin Khalji was the first liberal-minded and benevolent
ruler among the autocratic Turkish sultans of Delhi. A successful
military general in his youth, and an experienced administrator,
he ruled the people with moderation. By and large, he was a man
of non-political temperament who did not aspire to be the Sultan.
Nature elevated him to the kingly office which made him all the
more humble and generous in his treatment towards all the high
and the low. He did not sit on Balban’s royal throne, nor did he
ever ride in the courtyard of Balban’s palace ; albeit his excessive
mildness and humane approach to the state affairs hurt the pride
of those who had brought about the Khalji revolution, Jalaluddin
failed to fulfil their aspirations and having failed ‘to play the king’,
fell in their estimation. No wonder, most of his associates and
faithful followers rallied round the personality of his more ambi-
tious and youthful nephew Alauddin Khalji, who was destined to
lay the foundations of ‘the planned imperialist economy’ in place
of ‘the outmoded racial polity’ of the Mamluk Turks . 20 In the
words of a modern historian , 30

Like the reformed Asoka, he (Jalaluddin) aimed at ruling
by human love and faith, but if he paid for its failure nobly
with his own life, it was an indictment which mankind has
since done little to expiate.

28. Barani writes:

Although these villains were spared for a short time, and Alauddin for
some years, still they were not forgotten (by nature) and their punish-
ments were only suspended. At the end of three or four years, Ulugh
Khan (Almas Beg, the younger brother of Alauddin), the deceiver, was
gone, so was Nusrat Khan, the giver o'" the signal; so also was Zafar
Khan, the breader of the mischief, my uncle Alaul Mulk, Kotwal,
and.. .and.. .The hell-bound Salim, who struck the first blow, was a year
or two afterwards eaten up with leprosy. Ikhtiyaruddin, who cut off
the head, very soon went mad, and in his dying ravings cried that Sultan
Jalaluddin stood over him with a naked sword, ready to cut off his head.
Alauddin did not escape retribution for the blood of his patron. He
shed more innocent blood than ever Pharaoh was guilty of. Fate at
length placed a betrayer in his path, by whom his family was des-
troyed ..and the retribution which fell upon it never had a parallel even
in any infidel land...

— ibid., pp. 155-56.

29. Habibullah in Comp. HI, V. p.325.

30. ibid.

138

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OK MEDIEVAL INDIA
Early Career and Accession

The original name of Alauddin Khalji was Ali Gurshao •« he
was a nephew of Jalaluddin Khalji. He was born in circa 1266 a.d.
and brought up by his uncle because of the untimely death of his
lather. He did not receive proper schooling but grew up to be
a brilliant warrior who, unlike his uncle, proved to be extremely
ambitious, aggressive and selfish by nature. He was married to
a daughter of Jalaluddin Khalji.

Alauddin played an active part in the Khalji revolution. When
Jalaluddin became the sultan, Alauddin was made amir i tuzuk —
‘the master of ceremonies’, while his younger brother Almas Beg,
who also happened to be a son-in-law of Jalaluddin, received the
office of amir i akhur - ‘the master of horse (the royal stables)’.
Alauddin gave proof of his organisational skill as a commander in
the suppression of Malik Chhajju’s revolt and received the gover-
norship of Kara in 1291. His successful expedition to Bhilsa (1292)
earned him the exalted office of arizimumalik - ‘the minister of
war,’ and the additional charge of the iqta of Oudh.

Alauddin’s family life was, however, not very happy. He had
two wives, 32 one was the daughter of sultan Jalaluddin and the
other, named Mahru, was a sister of Malik Sanjar. 33 Mahru was
the favourite wife 34 of Alauddin while the Sultan’s daughter was
neglected by him because of her haughty demeanour. He fell out
with the princess when she attempted to dominate her husband
and exhibited open jealousy and contempt 36 towards Mahru.
Malika i Jahan, the chief queen of Sultan Jalaluddin, was equally
aggressive ; instead of bringing about reconciliation between the
husband and the wife, she sided with her daughter and found
fault with Alauddin. Barani states 36 that

31. His father Shihabuddin Masaud, the elder brother of Jalaluddin Khalji,
left behind four sons, two of whom, Alauddin and Almas Beg, rose to pro-
minence.

32. Both of them seem to have been married by Alauddin Khalji long before the
Khalji revolution of 1290.

33. A personal friend of Alauddin, later styled Alp Khan, who rose to pro-
minence as one of the four most powerful and trustworthy military generals
of Alauddin Khalji; his daughter was married, at a later stage, to the
crown Prince Khizer Khan.

34. She was made the chief queen ( Malika i Jahan) by Alauddin Khalji in
1296 when he became the sultan; their son Khizer Khan became the heir
apparent to the throne.

35. It is said that one day Alauddin and Mahru were enjoying a free time in
the garden when Jalaluddin’s daughter appeared on the scene; out ot jea-
lousy. she started beating Mahru with her shoe. It enraged Alauddin who
assaulted her with the sword and injured her. The incident probably took
place at Kara, soon after Alauddin had been posted there as governor; it
was reported to the sultan but the fatter did not take it seriously.

36. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahl ; p.149.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

139

Alauddin was averse to bringing the disobedience of his wife
before the sultan, and he could not brook the disgrace which
would arise from his derogatory position being made public.
It greatly distressed him... and he often consulted with his
intimates at Kara about going out in the world to make- a
position for himself.

The estrangement of relations between Alauddin and the ladies
of the royal household had very serious repercussions. Kara had
already been a hotbed of intriguers. Malik Chhajju, who had
raised a banner of revolt against Jalaluddin Khalji, had been sent
to Multan ; but many of his associate and military officers, who
had taken part in the revolt, were imprisoned at Kara. Follow-
ing in the footsteps of Jalauddin, Alauddin set them free, and took
some of them into his service. These disaffected persons began-
at once to suggest to Alauddin that ‘it was quite possible to raise
and equip a large force in Kara, and through Kara to obtain
Delhi. Money only was needed ; but for want of that, Malik
Chhajju would have succeeded’. 37 Alauddin’s successful expedi-
tion to Devagiri (1296 a.d:) made up this deficiency. His ambition
soared high ; and he hatched a conspiracy to usurp the throne,
failing which, he planned to escape towards Bengal with his army
and the treasure and try to found an independent kingdom there.
As luck would have it, the unsuspecting sultan fell a victim to the
treachery of his beloved nephews and sons-in-law — Alauddin and
hi^younger brother Almas Beg, and facilitated the task of the
latter. Of course, the plan to murder the sultan was not precon-
ceived ; the decision to commit this crime seems to have been
taken by Alauddin on the spot when the unscrupulous nephew
found the old monarch landing into Alauddin’s armed forces
unattended.

Alauddin was declared Sultan of Delhi immediately after the
murder of Jalaluddin at Kara on July 20, 1296. Malik Ahmad
Chap rushed back to Delhi and held hurried consultations with
the Jalali nobles and the Malika i Jahan for the future course of
action. Arkali Khan, the second son of the deceased sultan and
the heir apparent to the throne of Delhi was at Multan ; his elder
brother, Khani Khana, had died in 1290 soon after the Khalji revo-
lution. As Arkali Khan was not immediately available in the
capital at that hour of crisis, Malika i Jahan committed a fatal
mistake in declaring her third son Qadr Khan as the sultan,
styled as Ruknuddin, and herself setup as his regent. It forth-
with led to division among the Jalali nobles ; Arkali Khan, on
hearing of it, felt so much affronted by this lapse on the part of
his mother that he stayed back at Multan and did not come to
the defence of the capital. Meanwhile, Alauddin Khalji opened

37. ibid., p.140.

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ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

the chests of his treasures and won over the Jafali nobles and
their soldiery by liberal distribution of gold and silver. 38

Alauddin took three months to reach Delhi ; by this time,
he had under his command more than a lakh of the army. On the
way to Delhi, he had literally been showering go Id and silver over
the heads of the people to win their support. He entered the
capital on October 26, 12-16 ‘in great pomp’ and was accorded
reception by the entire populace amidst great rejoicings ; the
members of the Jalali family had already fled to Multan. He took
his seat upon Balban’s throne in the daulat-khana-i-julus and was
formally crowned with the title Abul Muzaffar Sultan Alaud Diiniya
wa Din Muhammad Shah Khalji. He offered high offices to his friends
and associates albeit many of the Jalali nobles were confirmed in
their old assignments so much so that even the wizarat- ‘the office
of the Prime Minister’, continued to be held by the old incumbent
Khwaja Khatir. Alauddin’s younger brother Almas Khan became
the premier noble of the state with the title Ulugh Khan while
Malik Sanjar was styled Alp Khan. Malik Hazbaruddin, how
styled Zafar Khan, became the ariz i mumalik. Nusrat Khan was
appointed kotwal of Delhi while Alaul Mulk received appointment
as governor of Kara. All the soldiers were granted six months
salary as a reward ; the ulama; the shaikhs and other nobles and
officials received grants of land and titles while all the visitors to
the capital as well as its inhabitants received liberal gifts from the
Sultan. The public festivities at state expense continued for
weeks. 39 Barani concludes the account of Alauddin’s accession
to the throne with the remarks 40 that;

the people were so deluded by the gold which they received
that no one ever mentioned the horrible crime which the
sultan had committed and the hope of gain left them no care
for anything else.

Liquidation of the Jalali Family

Alauddin’s first task after the occupation of Delhi was to
settle his scores with the Jalali family, headed by Arkali Khan,

38.

39.

In the words of Barani,

Maliks and amirs who were sent from Delhi to oppose the advancing
forces (of Alauddin), came to Baran and joined Alauddin, for wnicn
they received twenty, thirty and some fifty mans of gold. All the soldiers
who were under these noblemen received each three hundred tankas,
and the whole following of the late Jalaluddin was broken up.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p.159.

[n the words of Barani, Alauddin —

scattered so much gold about that the faithless people easily forgot the
murder of the late sultan, and rejoiced over his acccssion.-hc ha d
committed a deed unworthy of his religion and position, so be "owned
it politic to deceive the people, and to cover his crime by scattering
honours and gifts upon all classes of people.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p.161.

40. ibid., pp.157-58.

KHAUI IMPERIALISM

141

the governor of Multan and Sind. Ulugh Khan (viz ; Almas Beg,
the younger brother of the sultan) and Zafar Khan were dispatched
to Multan with 40,000 army. They laid siege to the fort of
Multan and compelled its defenders to offer submission after two
months’ strenuous efforts. Arkali Khan, Qadr Khan (the ex-
Sultan Ruknuddin), Malik Ahmad Chap and Ulugh Khan (the
Mongol son-in-law of Jalaluddin Khalji) were taken captives and
blinded. Arkali Khan, Qadr Khan and two sons of the former
were handed over to the kotwal of Hansi who put them to death
after some time. Malik Ahmad Chap, Ulugh Khan and the ex-
Malika i Jahan were kept in confinement at Delhi in the custody
of Nusrat Khan, and nothing was heard of them afterwards ;
obviously, they were all liquidated. Ulugh Khan was appointed
governor of the iqtas of Multan and Sind. The lands and proper-
ties of all the ex-Jalali nobles and their favourites in those pro-
vinces were confiscated and all those who had collaborated with
the Jalali princes were severely punished.

Alauddin as an Autocrat

His Theory of Kingship : Unperceived by his courtiers, the
ex-colleagues and collaborators, Alauddin Khalji assumed a volte
face in his attitude towards the nobility immediately after the con-
quest of Multan and Sind and the liquidation of the Jalali family.
Once he felt secure on the throne, Alauddin, in a surprise move,
laid his hands upon all the ex-Jalali nobles who had betrayed
their old master on the receipt of rich rewards from him.
Alauddin had immensely benefitted from their support a short
while ago ; nonetheless, he condemned their past treacherous
conduct towards the Jalali family and declared them to be undepen-
dable and untrustworthy. Alauddin took back the excessive gold
and silver which he had himself given to them, as a bribe so to
say ; deprived them of honours, blinded some and beheaded the
others. 41 Alauddin took the next step, in this reversal of policy,
towards his old associates and personal friends, than holding the
high offices. Alaul Mulk was called to Delhi apd made to
surrender ‘all the elephants and treasures’ which Alauddin had
left with him at Kara. Owing to his bulky physique, he was no
longer thought fit for active service ; he was asked to stay in the
capital as its kotwal while Nusrat Khan who was instrumental in
extracting a «rore of tankas for the treasury, by leving fines and
confiscations on the ex-Jalali nobles, was sent to Kara as its new
governor. By his dictatorial commands and quick replacements
of the high-ups, Alauddin established complete dominance over
the nobility so that none of them might grow too powerful and
influential or develop vested interests at any place or in any office.
Before any of his ex-colleagues could pause to think of his bila-
teral relationships with the Sultan, Alauddin Khalji had pulled

41. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi : pp 162-63.

142

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

himself far above their heads and assumed the most dictatorial
and autocratic powers. For him, therefore, the revival of Balban’s
theory of divine rights of kingship was only a matter of formality.
He declared himself to be the Zil i Ilahi- the shadow of God on
Earth’, and claimed divine powers and virtues for the sovereign
who. according to him, stood no comparison with the other human
beings. He believed in the theory that ‘kingship knows no kinship’
which implied that all the inhabitants of his dominions were cither
his servants or his subjects. He regarded the king to be above
the law of the land ; rather his word was the law ; this concept was
in contradiction to the principles of Islamic theology on which
the Turkish state was originally founded in India.

Alauddin was a Sunni Mussalman who professed adherence to
the faith and never disputed the injunctions of Islamic law ;
nevertheless, as a ruler he was the law unto himself. In his dia-
logues with qazi Mughisuddin of Bayana on the state policy,
Alauddin once expressed his views on the subject thus : 42

To prevent rebellion, in which thousands perish, I issue such
orders as I conceive to be for the good of the State, and
the benefit of the people. Men are heedless, disrespectful,
and disobey my commands ; I am then compelled to be
severe to bring them into obedience. I do not know whether
this is lawful or unlawful ; whatever I think to be for
the good of the State, or suitable for the emergency, that
I decree.

Alauddin’s rhetorics on the state policy as given above can be
understood better if we substitute ‘him’ for ‘the State’ and ‘his
self-interest’ for ‘the good of the State’. So far as his position
as head of ‘an Islamic state’ was concerned, Alauddin continued
to style himself Yamin ul Khilafat Nasiri Amir til , Momnin ;
albeit he never felt the necessity of invoking Caliph’s name to
justify and strengthen his claim to sovereignty. He never applied
for investiture by the Caliph nor regarded the latter to be his
‘political superior’ ; reference to the Caliph in official records
continued to be made simply to keep the tradition of Caliphate
theoretically alive.

The nobility (aihal i sbamsbir) and the ulema {uihal i qalnm)
wielded influence in the state affairs and exercised some check on
the powers and functions of the Mamluk sultans of Delhi ,
Alauddin Khalji sternly curbed their power and did not give them
a free-hand in determining the state policy. He was a high y sc t-
willed and autocratic ruler who struck terror in the hearts ot nis
ministers, military generals and the ruling elite ; therefore, none
dared to give him any advice or contradict his views or orders. I nc
nobles were kept firmly under his thumb by the Sultan while t c

42. Barani, Twitch i Firoze Shahi ; p 188.

KHALJl IMPERIALISM

143

ulema, though kept in good humour, were never permitted to
interfere in state politics. Of course, Alauddin did not antagonise
the mullas and shaikhs through public criticism or ridicule. The
Muslim scholhrs, saints, shaikhs and the mullas received liberal
stipends ( madad i muash) and honours. All posts in the judicial
and educational establishments were reserved for them ; their
chiefs were given a free hand in administering the educational
institutions, courts, holy places, religious endowments and charit-
able funds. They also enjoyed sufficient freedom of action in
tackling the socio-rcligious problems of the Muslim community.
At times Alauddin successfully exploited Muslim fanaticism in his
wars against the Hindu chieftains and treatment of ‘the zimmis’.
Nevertheless, Alauddin Khaiji was the first among the Turkish
sultans of Delhi who separated religion from -the state politics
and initiated what may be called a secular state policy, based on
the principles of absolute despotism . 43 Barani states that when
Alauddin

became king, he came to the conclusion that polity and
government are one thing, and the rules and decrees of
(Islamic) law are another. Royal commands belong to the
king, legal decrees rest upon the judgment of qazis and muftis.
In accordance with this opinion, whatever affair of state
came before him, he only looked to the public good, without
considering whether his mode of dealing with it was lawful
or unlawful. He never asked for legal opinions about
political matters, and very few learned men visited him . 44

Alauddin’s long reign of twenty years provides us with only
two instances when he had some discussion, at his own
initiative, with two experts on Islamic theology— Alaul Mulk, the
kotwal of Delhi and personal friend of the sultan, and Mughi-
suddin, the qazi of Bayana and one of the greatest theologians of
his age. Of course, Alauddin did not annoy the ulema by chal-
lenging their right, to have a say in the state affairs but subordi-
nated them through liberal state patronage and tactfulness which,
coupled with the exercise of his autocratic authority in general,
cowed them down to abject obedience. Mughisuddin was treated
as one- of the ordinary Amirs at the court and never accorded
any special treatment by virtue of his being an expert in Islamic
law. One day ‘when efforts were being made for the increase
of’ taxes on the subjects, Alauddin told Mughisuddin that he ‘had
several questions to ask him and desired him to speak the plain
truth’ It shook the qazi to the bones and he replied,

43. The successive sultans of Delhi, with the exception of Muhammad bin
Tughluq, failed to pursue this course of action and the sultanate reverted
to a theocracy once again.

44. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 183.

144

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

The angel of my destiny (Death) seems to be close at hand,
since Your Majesty' wishes to question me on matters of
religion ; if I speak the truth, you will be angry and kill me.

The Sultan promised to spare his life but ‘commanded him to
answer in accordance with what he had read in books (Islamic
law)’. The qazi began to quote at length the Islamic scriptures
in reply to one of the queries pertaining to the treatment of
Hindus in an Islamic state. Alauddin ‘smiled at’ his answers and
said.

I do not understand any of the statements thou hast made ;

1 have taken my measures, and have made my subjects

obedient, so that at my command, they are ready to creep
into holes like mice. 45

It clearly shows that Alauddin Khalji was an autocrat whose
word was law, and whose theory of kingship had nothing to do
with the Islamic principles.

Wild Aims of Alauddin Khalji : The usurpation of the throne
by treachery and brute force, accompanied by the acquisition of
fabulous wealth and the quick victories scored in Multan and
Sind, turned Alauddin’s head. His ambitions soared high ;
‘exalted with arrogance and presumption’, he began to entertain
‘fancies which had never occurred to any king before him’. 45 He
began to talk of accomplishing a twofold project of founding a
new religion, and launching a campaign for the world-conquest
like Alexander the Great. He argued that just as the Prophet
Muhammad had four companions — Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman and
Ali, ne had his four brilliant lieutenants in the persons of Ulugh
Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan and Alp Khan. He declared :

I can, with the help of these four friends, establish a new
religion and creed ; and the swords of my friends, will bring
all men to adopt. Through this religion, my name and that
of my friends will remain among men to the last day like
the names of the Prophet and his friends. 47

Alauddin used to unfold his second project as follows :

My wish is to place Delhi in charge of a Vice-regent, and
then I will go out myself into the world, like Alexander, in
pursuit of conquest, and subdue the whole habitable world.

45. ibid, p.l 85.'

46. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; pp. 168-71

47. ibid., p.169.

48. ibid.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

145

Over-elated with his initial victories, Alauddin caused Himself
to by styled ‘the Second Alexander’ ( Sikander i Sani) in the
khutba and on his coins. It was Alaul Mulk who brought the
Sultan to his senses by pointing out the impracticability of his
wild aims. At a great personal risk, he made bold to tell him
that religion and the creeds should never be made the subject of
discussions by him as these were ‘the concerns of the prophets,
not the business of kings’. He emphasised that the ‘prophetic
office has never appertained to kings, and never will, so long as
the world lasts, although some prophets have discharged the func-
tions of royalty’. 49 As regards his plan ‘to bring the whole
world under his sway’, Alaul Mulk made the Sultan realise that
there were so many kingdoms and regions in India which were
not yet under his control, the sultanate faced grave danger from
the Mongols, and there was no minister like - Aristotle to manage
the affairs of the state during his long absence on a world
campaign. 50 Alaul Mulk, therefore, advised the Sultan to pay
whole-hearted attention to the state affairs and refrain from
indulgence in excessive drinking and the other sensual pleasures.
Alauddin was deeply impressed by his exposition ; he richly
rewarded the scholar and promised to follow his wise counsel.
According to Barani, this dialogue took place in the presence of
all the four great khans (Ulugh Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat
Khan and Alp Khan), sometime before the third Mongol invasion
of India during the reign of Alauddin, led by Qutlugh Khwaja
(1299 a.d.). and was ‘greatly praised by all the wazirs and wise
men of the city’. 51 The truth of his advice dawned upon Alauddin
Khalji almost instantaneously. The Mongol invasions which
took place in quick succession (1297, 1298 and 1299) soon after
he ascended the throne, threatened the very existence of the
sultanate of Delhi, and Alauddin was hard-pressed to safeguard
his dominions. His attempt to bring the unconquered parts of
the country under his control was stubbornly resisted by the Hindu
chieftains. The siege of Ranthambhor (1300-01) which lasted
many months and ‘taxed all his. energies’, made him bitterly
conscious of the sad reality that he had been ‘living in a fool’s
paradise’ when he talked of ‘conquering the world in the role of
Alexander’. 5 * Within four years of his period of rule, as many
as four attempts were made on his personal life by his rebellious
kinsmen and other disaffected elements. These developments
took the wind out of his wild plans, and he began to distrust
those very nobles, with the assistance of whom he intended to
accomplish those schemes. Alauddin, therefore, gave up the idea
of founding ‘a new religion’ and like-wise of ‘world conquest’ ;
instead, he adopted a down-to-earth policy which comprised the

49. ibid., p. 170.

50. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi ; p.170.

51. ibid., p.171.

52. Stanley Lane-Poole, Medieval India Under Mohammedan Rule (A.D. 712-1764)’,
Indian reprint. Universal, 1963, p. 83.

ADV ANCED STUDY THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

defend of the sultanate from the Mongol menace, strengthening
of his armed forces and enrichment of the royal treasury on which
the very stability of the state was based, curtailment of the powers
oi the nobles and extension of his imperial sway over the unsub-

Z artS ° f . Inc ! la - He achieved ample success in the fulfilment
of all these objectives.

Alauddin's Imperialism : As mentioned earlier, Alauddin had
secured the provinces ( iqtas ) of Multan and Sind from the Jalali
family (1296-97) immediately after his coronation at Delhi ; these
were conquered by the armies led by his younger brother Ulugh
Khan and Zafar Khan. Ulugh Khan was appointed governor
of the two provinces. After successfully repulsing the first Mongol
attack on his dominions (1297 a.d.), Alauddin planned the con-
quest ol the rich and fertile region of Gujarat. It was then ruled
by Rai Karan Deva Baghela 53 with his capital at Anhilwara. 64
Early in 1299, Alauddin ordered a two-pronged attack on Gujarat ;
Ulugh Khan led his forces from Sind and Nusrat Khan marched
from Delhi. The former reduced Jaisalmer and made a junction
with the army of Delhi in the neighbourhood of Delhi. The
royal army avoided a head-on collision with the Rajputs of
Chittor, and instead, marched upon Gujarat in a surprise move.
Karan Deva was taken unawares ; he fled to the south and took
shelter with Ram Chandra Deva, the ruler of Devagiri. Anhilwara
was occupied without a fight and sacked ; Rai Karan’s treasure
and many woman, including his-chief queen Kamla Devi, fell in to
the hands of the invaders. The temple of Somnath, 68 the sea-port
of Cambay (Khambayat) and many other towns were put to
plunder by the conquerors ; thousands of people of both sexes
were enslaved. The province of Gujarat with its rich harbours of
international fame fell into the hands of Alauddin like a ripe
fruit full of honey ; Alp Khan was appointed its governor.

The conquest of Gujarat is memorable for the emergence of
two historic personalities of Alauddin’s reign. The sultan was
captivated by the beauty and royal dignity of Rani Kamla Devi
whom he married with full honour and made his chief queen
( malika i jahart) soon afterwards. Alauddin’s second great find
was a very handsome Hindu eunuch, named Kafur, 1 ' 6 whom

53.

54.

55.

56.

The Chalukva or Solanki dynasty of Gujarat became extinct in 1242 A D-
on the death of its last ruler Bhim Deva II who left no male heir to succeco
him. It was replaced by the Baghela (Vagheia) Rajputs who were t
kinsmen.

Modern Patan; Nahravata of the Muslim chroniclers.

The temple of Somnath which had been rebuilt by Kumarpala (1143-74)

was again demolished. _ .

Malik Kafur has been called hazardinari by the Muslim chroniclers it «
lowever, not clear whether Nusrat Khan obtained him from the Mus im
nerchant of Cambay for a consideration or the merchant had, carnc ,
jurchased him for one thousand dinars from elsewhere.

147

KHA.LJI IMPERIALISM

• h to r h ost tfSSwS *■"*

naib of, Alauddin Khalji m his later life.

On their return march from Gujarat ; to > D* the victorious
generals demanded a fifth of the spoils the valuables hidden

share and adopted harsh me _ , se jt led to a mutiny by a
by the latter in their personal baggag converts, which

few thousand ‘new Mussal hna d It is said that

was crushed by the generals with an iron nano.

when the report of

cruelty which had taken pos f & \\ the mutineers,

him to order that the wives and ch ldren ofail ^ was ^

high and low, should be cast into P c hi!dren for

beginning of the P ra =V“ I f< 2 no hand had ever been
£id “wives 1 and. X on account of men’s misdeeds,

Barani states that

5 ^rrsirit; .3£5&

as

the

mrani btcuw 7. Nusrat Knan, iuw

Lbe mutineers ; and, ® * following in the footsteps of

the wives

most disgraceful treatment , he tne them. The

vile persons to make pST on the heads of their

children he caused to be cut to p jsed in no religion

mothers. Outrages llke . *h is a L of his filled the people of
or creed. These and similar acts m n ^ eyery bosom
Delhi with amazement and

trembled. 68 ...

The easy conquest of ^^crL^rTh^Vosperity o f
with power and pride. Tt , and commerce and enhance
sultanate through maritime trade and^ Muslim world. After

the reputation of Alauddin thro g a . gn 0 £ imperial con

this victory, he launched a w hde of the Indian subcon-
quests with the object of bringing monarchs 0 f anciea

tinent under his control. Lik .. undisputed lord paramo
era, Alauddin aspired to become policy, he did. not need
of India. Having envisaged an impe P the var , oUS Hindu

any other plausible reason or excuse to ^ aQd unprovoked

states of the subcontinent ; he carried ° ansformed the kingdom of
wars against them and, u l tim
Delhi into a mighty Indian empire.

57. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi ; p. 164-

58. ibid. , p. 165.

148

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

In the pursuit of his imperial policy, Alauddin Khalji had first
to reckon with the powerful Rajput states of Ranthambhor and
Chittor. With the conquest of Gujarat, Rajputana was surroun-
ded on three sides by the territories of the Delhi sultanate and
Alauddin’s task seemed to have become comparatively easy. Ran-
thambhor. was then ruled by liana Hamir Deva, a descendant of
Prithvi Raj III Chauhan. The fort had been conquered first by
Qutubuddin Aibek and then by Iitutmish; it was again lost to the
Chauhan Rajputs after the death of Iitutmish. In 1291, Jalalud-
din had made an abortive attempt to conquer it. Alauddin Khalji
ordered the victors of Gujarat, Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, to
measure their swords with the Chauhans of Ranthambhor in 1300;
the plausible excuse for the attack was that Hamir Deva had given
shelter to some Mongol fugitives who had revolted during the
Gujarat campaign. The royal aimy laid siege to the fort which
was gallantly defended by the Rajputs. Nusrat Khan lost his
life while organising the siege and the Turkish army was routed
by the Rajputs. It compelled Alauddin to take the field in person.
The sjege lasted almost a year and the fort was, ultimately, t- ken
through the treachery of Ranmal, the minister of Hamir Deva,
who was won over by the Sultan with the promise of gold and
high office. The Rajputs performed jauhar; the Rajput ladies
saved their honour by throwing themselves into fire while the
males led by Hamir Deva died to a man in their hand to hand
fight with besiegers. 50 After his victory* Alauddin ordered Ran-
mal and his accomplices to be put to death for having betrayed
their own people.

Alauddin Khalji had to face revolts from three different
quarters during the siege of Ranthambhor 11300-01). On his way
to Ranthambhor, Akat Khan, a nephew of the Sultan, made an
attempt on his life; Alauddin was struck down by the assassin
but saved by his slave attendants by their presence of mind
and sheer good luck. While the siege of Ranthambhor was going
on, Umar Khan and Mangu Khan, Alauddin’s sister’s son, and
governors of Oudh and Badaun respectively, raised the banner of
revolt but were defeated and taken captives by the loyalists.
Yet another revolt was engineered in Delhi by one Haji Maula,
a slave of amir ul upiara Fakhruddin, the late kotwal of the capital.
Ulugh Khan had to be sent to Delhi to suppress the revolt and res-
tore law and order; deterrent punishments were given to the
rebels and their families.

The conquest of Ranthambhor, though hard-earned, gave an
overwhelming confidence to Alauddin Khalji that none of the
Hindu kingdoms, however strong, were invincible, when dealt

59. One night the Rai lit a fire at the top of the hill, and threw his women and

family into the flames; they sacrificed their lives in despair— this fort (Ran-
thambhor) was taken by the slaughter...— Amir Khusrau, Khazain ul Futub;

E & D, III, p. 75.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

149

with one by one. What the Rajputs of the neighbouring states,
including that of Chittor, had been doing when the Chauhans of
Rantharabhor were engaged in life and death struggle against ‘the
armies of Islam’? No other Rajput chief came to the rescue
of Hamir Deva duiing a year-long siege of his capital by the
enemy; instead, he was confronted, in that hour of' trial, with
defections and treachery on the part of his own close associates.
The Rajputs as a class displayed utter lack of the feelings of col-
lective security and self-defence; their clannish rivalries and narrow
regional loyalties stood in their way of concerted action against
the common enemy; as a result, they crumbled to dust and were
defeated one by one by the imperial armies of Alauddin Khalji. 60

In January 1303, ‘the loud drums proclaimed the royal march
from Delhi, undertaken with a view to the capture of Chittor’, 61
the capital of Mewar, by far the most powerful state of Rajputana
at that time. Its young ruler Ratan Singh had ascended the throne
in 1301 on the death of his father Samar Singh; he belonged to
the Guhilot or Guhila clan of the Rajputs who had held their sway
in Mewar since the eighth century. They had successfully with-
stood the invasions .of the Muslims ever since the conquest of
Sind by the Arabs. Ratan Singh’s grandfather Rana Jailra Singh
(1213-33) had repulsed an attack from Iltutmish. It is said that
one of the declared objectives of Alauddin Khalji in invading
Chittor was to acquire Padmini, the peerless queen of Rana Ratan
Singh. The siege lasted about eight months and, ultimately, the
Sultan resorted to a. stratagem in order to achieve success. The
Rana was taken captive by Alauddin through treachery but the
Rajputs, under the youthful leadership of Gora and Badal, libera-
ted him from his clutches. 62 It was followed by a bloody clash

60. Amir Khusrau’s comment on the fall of Chittor (1303) is significant; he
says:

Praise be to God that he (Alauddin Khalji) so ordered the massacre
of all the chiefs of Hindus out of the pale of Islam, by bis infidel-smi-
ting sword, that if in this time, it should by chance happen that a
schismatic should claim his right, the pure Sunnis would sWear in the
name of this Khalifa of God (Alauddin Khalji), that heterodoxy has
no rights.

Khazain ul Futuh; E & D, III, p. 77.

61. ibid. The poet laureate had accompanied the Sultan, on his expedition
to Chittor; he, accordingly, gives in the Khazain ul Futuh, a graphic des-
cription of the fort of Chittor, its siege and conquest by the imperial army,
and the aftermath of the occupation of the fort.

62. The Padmini episode as given by Malik Muhammad Jayasi in his epic,
Padmavat, composed in 1540 A.D. seems to be based on historical truth.
According to Jayasi, the lustful Alauddin promised to raise the siege of
Chittor if the rana gave him a glimpse of his illustrious queen. The Rana
obliged him; Alauddin was admitted into the fort and Padmini was shown
to him in a standing posture from behind a glass sci een. When the Rana
and the nobles came out of the fort to see off the sultan, they were taken
captives by the Muslim soldiers. Thereafter. Alauddin demanded the hand
of Padmini as a price for the liberation of Rana Ratan Singh. The latter
was, however, rescued by the Rajputs through a clever manoeuvre.

150

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

of arms between the rival parties, resulting in the collapse of the
Rajput resistance; Ratan Singh died fighting in the battle-field
while Rani Padmini burnt herself along with the other Rajput ladies
on the funeral pyre. 63 Alauddin was deeply incensed by the stub-
born fight put up by the Rajputs; after the occupation of the fort,
he ordered general massacre of the populace of Chittor; and. as a
result, 30,000 Rajput men, women and children were put to the
sword in cold blood in a single day. 64 Alauddin appointed his eld-
est son Khizer Khan, then a young lad of seven or eight, to be the
governor of Chittor, and the town was renamed, after the prince,
as Khizerabad. It was here that Khizer Khan was declared heir
apparent to the throne of Delhi. The fort was heavily garrisoned
by the imperial -troops led by competent military generals who
carried on the administration on behalf of the prince, albeit the
Rajputs of Mewar did not reconcile themselves to the loss of their
independence; they retreated to the hills and carried on freedom
struggle against the forces of occupation through guerilla warfare.
Khizer Khan abandoned the charge of Chittor in 1311, which was
entrusted to a puppet Rajput noble Maldco, a kinsman of Ratan
Singh. The Rajputs of Mewar did not recognise him fo be their
ruler, and he was expelled by Hamir, a son of Rana Ratan Singh,
in 1618. Mewar thus became independent of Delhi within two
years of Alauddin’s death.

The conquest of Ranthambhor and Chittor broke the back-
bone of the Rajput power; it had an over-all demoralising effect
upon the other Hindu rulers of Rajputana and central India.
In 1305, Alauddin sent Ainul Mulk Multani, at the head of 10,000
horses, for the conquest of Malwa. Its ruler Mahlak Deva and
his brother and minister Koka Pradhan failed to check the advance
of the imperial army and perished in the struggle. All the impor-
tant towns of Malwa, including Ujjain, Dhar, Mandu and Chan-
deri, were acquired by Ainul Mulk who received governorship of
the conquered territories from the Sultan. In 1308, Alauddin
conquered Sevana, a fortress, situated about a hundred miles from
Delhi in the heart of a thick forest; its ruler Shitaldeva, a Barniar
Rajput, was killed and his principality declared annexed to the
sultanate. Kamaluddin Gurg was appointed iqtadar of Sevana.

The last important expedition of Alauddin Khalji, in nor-
thern India, was directed against Jalor. Its Chauhan ruler

.63. J. Tod, on the testimony of Jayasi, describes the scene thus:

The fire of jauhar was lighted in a subterranean cavern, which still
exists, and the Rajput ladies led by Padmini, jumped into the flam-
es. .‘.The fair Padmini closed the throng which was augmented by
whatever of female beauty or youth could be tainted by Tartar lust.
They were conveyed to the cavern and the opening closed upon them,
leaving them to find security from dishonour in the devouring clement,

— Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan; revijed by W. Crookc; 3 vols.
London, 1920, 1, p.311.

64. Amir Khusrau, Khazaitt ill Futuh ; op: cit; p. 77.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

151

Kanhardeva had accepted the suzerainty of Delhi in 1304 but
Alauddin was very unhappy with his arrogant conduct; he wanted
to annex the principality by abolishing the Rajput ruling house.
Therefore, in 1311, he sent an army for the conquest of Jalor
under the command of Malik Shahin, an illegitimate son of the
Sultan from a slave girl, Gul Bahisht. The latter also accom-
panied her son to the war-front in joint command of the royal
army. Gul Bahisht expired of fever during the campaign while
her son Shahin died fighting the Rajputs. The fort was ultima-
tely conquered by Kamaluddin Gurh who was promoted gover-
nor of Jalor by the Sultan. Maldeo, who was made a puppet
ruler of Chittor by Alauddin in 1311, was a brother of Raja Kan-
hardeva of Jalor, and was related to the ruling family of Chittor.
There is reason to believe that Maldeo had betrayed his own
family at Jalor %nd helped the imperial forces in the occupation
of the fort; he, therefore, received the kingdom of Chittor as a
price for this treacherous role. Alauddin Khalji became the
undisputed imperial ruler of the whole of northern India by the
year 1311.

Alauddin’s conquest of Rajputana did not, however, prove
conclusive or permanent. The peculiar topography of Rajputana,
comprising a vast stretch of desert, interspersed with forests and
dry hills, was by itself a great hindrance in the way of conquest,
and Alauddin’s campaigns ’ cost him very heavily in men and
material with no parallel monetary or material compensation.
Besides, the brave Rajputs, when brought to bay within their own
homeland, fought stubbornly and with desperation because they
held their personal liberty above everything else. Alauddin Khalji
committed a grave mistake when he attempted to subjugate them
by brute force. The cruel and very-often humiliating treatment
meted out by him towards the defeated Rajput chiefs and soldiers,
and the utter disregard of their religious sentiments antagonised
the Rajput masses as a whole. The latter refused to reconcile
themselves to the loss of their independence and liquidation of
their clannish ruling houses. They started a counter-offensive
against the victors; the struggle for independence of Chittor was
launched, by the populace of Mewar, the very moment their capital
fell into the hands of Alauddin’s forces. Had Alauddin tried to
win over the Rajput public by the adoption of conciliatory mea-
sures as Akbar did later on, the Rajputs might have acknowledged
his overlordship after their debacle at Ranthambhor and Chittor.
Alauddin failed, howevei, to win the confidence and cooperation
of the people as a benevolent lord paramount. Therefore, his
conquest of Rajputana, for the most part, lay on quicksands; the
territories slipped out of the control of Delhi Sultanate soon after
the death of Alauddin Khalji. The misfortune of the Rajputs was
that they had learnt nothing and forgotten nothing from their
repeated failures in the long struggle against the Turks ever since
the days of Mohammad Ghon. They possessed the same narrow'

152 ADVANCED STUDY IN HISTORY OF THE MEDIEVAL INDIA

and parochial outlook as ever before and failed to forge a united
front against their common foe. Their isolated efforts to regain
independence yielded some fruit at heavy costs to them, albeit the
lack of coordination reduced the military efforts of the various
Rajput clans to an exercise in futility in the long run.

Conquest of the Deccan ( 1307-13 ) : The fabulous wealth
acquired from the plunder of Devagiri had made Alauddin the
sultan of Delhi ; the conquest of the Deccan, therefore, constituted
but an indispensable part of his imperial policy. Devagiri to
Alauddin was a gateway to the treasure-trove of the legendary
‘fqrty thieves’ and the Sultan was ever eager to possess it by playing
the role of Ali Baba. In the opinion of the author, it was
Alauddin’s dream of possessing the Deccan which turned that
ambitious and adventurous youth into a great imperialist, and
the conquest of Rajputana and Central India simply enabled him
to bridge the gulf between Delhi and the Vindhyas. The con-
quest of the Deccan was foremost in his mind ever since he secured
the crown. Therefore, while the conquest of northern India was
progressing satisfactorily, Alauddin was in touch with all the
developments that had been taking place in the south. Long be-
fore he launched a full-fledged campaign for the conquest of the
Deccan, he had educated himself with the knowledge of its topo-
graphy, ascertained the routes leading to the principal towns and
acquired intelligence about the military prowess and treasures of
the Hindu adversaries who sat on the thrones of the southern
kingdoms. Besides Ram Chandra Deva, the Yadava ruler of
Devagiri (mod. Maharashtra), there were three other prominent
kings of the south — Pratap Rudra Deva II of the Kakatiya dynasty
had his headquarters at Warrangal (Telingana), Vir Ballala III
of the Hoysalas at Dwarsamudra, and Kulashekhra Pandya of
the far south at Madura. These rulers, like the Rajput chieftains
of northern India, did not look eye to eye with each other. They
were devoid of a good neighbourly sense and constantly engaged
themselves in mutual feuds and self-destructive fratricidal wars.
It was, therefore, not very difficult to knock them down one by
one. After the conquest of Ranthambhor (1301 a.d.), Ulugh
Khan prepared an expedition for the conquest of T e lmgana and
the Ma’bar but, due to his untimely death, the plan was given up. c5
In 1303, while Alauddin himself led an attack on Chittor, he
ordered an army form Kara to march upon Telingana through
Bengal and Orissa. The latter expedition proved, however, a
failure ; the army was probably defeated by the forces of War-
rangal, that is why the Muslim chroniclers have either omitted
it or made only a casual reference to it. By the year 1305,
Rajputana and Mahva had been conquered and all the routes
leading to the south secured by Delhi ; the Mongol invasions had
been beaten off with a firm hand. Alauddin’s 4,75,000 well-

65, Barani, Tarikh i Firozc Shahi; p. 179.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

153

equipped standing army had to be usefully employed if it was to
be kept under effective control. A wholesale invasion of the
Deccan, therefore, lay in the logic of history. A few immediate
considerations helped in the materialisation of the Deccan cam-
paigns in 1306-07. Alauddin’ s extensive economic reforms, the
vast expansion of the administration and the practice of paying
salaries in cash to the soldiers as well as the bureaucracy increased
the demand for gold and silver ; the desire to secure the precious
metals from the south, therefore, became a dire necessity to reple-
nish the state treasury and lubricate the war machine. To all
these factors were added a couple of plausible excuses. Ram
Chandra Deva had failed to send the tribute to Alauddin Khalji
as per terms of the agreement made in 1296. He had, instead,
given shelter to Karan Deva, the fugitive ruler of Gujarat, who
was put up in Ellichpur— the territory which was claimed by
Alauddin Khalji to be his own by virtue of the old agreement.
Moreover, Kamla Devi, the ex-queen of Karan Deva, now the
malika i jahan of Alauddin, had expressed the desire to secure
her daughter Dewal Rani (or Devi) from her ex-husband. Dewal
Rani was an infant of about six months when Gujarat was in-
vaded by Alauddin’s armies in 1297 ; she had perchance been
saved and carried by her father to the south.

Alauddin Khalji called back surplus contingents of soldiers
from the north-western frontier and constituted them into ‘an army
of the Deccan’ under the command of Malik Kafur who had by
then come to occupy the exalted office of the malik naib - ‘the
deputy sultan’. He was destined to conquer the whole of south
India under the direction and control of Alauddin Khalji. He led
an attack, in 1307, on Devagiri with 30,000 soldiers ; he was
assisted, in this enterprise, by Ainul Mulk and Alp Khan, the
governors of Mahva and Gujarat respectively. Karan Deva was
defeated and turned out of Ellichpur ; his daughter Dewal Rani
fell into the hands of Alp Khan’s soldiers near the Ellora caves. 60

66. Alp Khan, the father-in-law and maternal uncle of Khizcr Khan, the
eldest son of Alauddin Khalji, was sent in pursuit of Rai Karan Deva who
had fled from Ellichpur. Unable to find him. Alp Khan encamped on the
bank of a stream to give rest to his tired soldiers A party of three to four
hundred soldiers, without seeking permission from him, slipped out of the
camp to have a look at the Ellora caves which were situated at a distance
of a few miles. There they encountered a small Maratha army which
was promptly engaged and routed. It turned out to bean escort of the
princess Dewal Rani who was being taken to Devagiri where she was to
be married to Singhanadeva, the heir apparent to the throne. The escort
was led by Bhillam, the younger brother of Singhanadeva In the scuffle
that followed, Dewal Rani’s horse was wounded; she fell on the ground
and was deserted by her guards She might have fallen a victim to the
caprice of the victors but one of her female attendants shouted at. them and
disclosed the identity of the princess. Thereupon, she was conducted ‘with
great pare and respect’ to their commander Alp Khan who ‘having obtained
his prize, was exceedingly rejoiced; ’he ‘ prosecuted his conquests no further’
and hastened to Delhi with Dewal Rani. The malika i jahan was extremely

154 advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

She was taken to Delhi where she was married to Khizer Klian,
the crown prince, after a few years. Ram Chandra Deva suffered
a defeat and sued for peace. He, with his wives and children,
was sent to the imperial court at Delhi to offer personal submission
to the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji accorded him an exceptionally
generous treatment ; the latter gave one of his- daughters in
marriage 67 to the sultan and stayed at the capital as a , royal guest
for about six months. A number of Hindu princesses were taken
by the sultans of Delhi as their queens but this is an exceptional
case in which a royal marriage took place with the full consent
of both the parties. Ram Chandra Deva was treated by the
sultan as his father-in-law in the right spirit. He received a
personal estate and one lakh gold coins as a gift, as well as the
title of Rai Rayan (king of kings) from Alauddin. According
to Barani, ‘the Rai was, ever afterwards, obedient; and sent his
tribute regularly as long as he lived ’. 68 He collaborated whole-
heartedly with the imperial armies in the conquest of sputh India.
The matrimonial relationships established between the ruling
houses of Delhi and Devagiri crossed the religious barriers ; Ram
Chandra Deva became a part and parcel of the imperial power of
India and . rendered maximum assistance to Alauddin Khalji in
the expansion of his imperial sway over the south. According to
the critics who adopt partisan or communal approach, this rela-
tionship is interpreted differently. It is held that Alauddin’s
policy towards Ram Chandra Deva was based on political expedi-
ency ; as a clever politician and diplomat, Alauddin _won over
the loyalty of the Yadava chief and then used him as a Tool 'in
the fulfilment of his aggressive designs. According to some
critics. Ram Chandra Deva was a coward ruler who compromised
his independence, honour and self-respect in order to preserve his
throne and the other material gains. Not only this ; having
disgraced himself, he shamelessly helped the aggressors in tram-
pling the whole of southern India under their heels. Ram Chandra
Deva let down his own people, disgraced his religion and did
incalculable harm to his own society and culture, of which he was
expected to champion the cause. His cowardly conduct had a
highly demoralising effect on the Hindus of south India, in general,
and their rulers, in particular.

pleased to be reunited with her daughter; she bestowed rich presents and
honours upon Alp Khan.

— Refer to Firishta (Briggs), I, p. 210.

It made Alp Khan a favourite of the chief queen; he, subsequently,
became the ring leader of a court clique which was opposed to the
rising power of Malik Kafur.

67. Her son Shihabuddin Umar was nominated by the ailing Sultan to succeed
him to the throne, just before his death in 1316; Khizer Khan, the crown
prince, was imprisoned at Gwalior by .Malik Kafur, apparently with the
consent of the Sultan.

68. Barani, TariUi i Firoze S/ia/ti ; p. 201 .

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

155

In November 1309, Malik Kafur, accompanied by the ariz i
mutual ik and quite a few distinguished military generals, led an army
which, according to one estimate, comprised a hundred thousand sol-
diers, for the conquest of Warrangal. Being the ‘deputy sultan’ (ma-
lik naib), Kafur was provided with a red canopy 69 and unquestion-
able supremacy and powers to control over the other nobles. In
the light of the extraordinary arrangements made and precautions
taken by Aiauddin Khalji for the subjugation of Telingana, we
can gauge the military prowess and reputation of Rai Pratap
Rudra Deva 70 II of Warrangal, who had stood his ground in the
face of the first imperial attack. Aiauddin did not underrate
the strength of the enemy nor did he expect a sure victory for
his qrmy ; that'is why, he advised Malik Kafur not to ‘press the
Rai too hard’. Kafur was expected to make a settlement with
the ruler of Telingana without much loss of time ‘and retire,
without pushing matters too far, lest Rai Ladder Deo (Pratap
Rudra Deva II) should get the better of him.’ 71 It would be
enough ‘if the Rai consented to surrender his treasure and jewels,
elephants and horses, and also to send treasure and elephants in
the following year (not years). 73 The Sultan further warned
the malik naib that in case he failed to achieve even this limited
objective, he should ‘for the sake of his own name and fame’
persuade the Rai, through diplomacy or force, to pay a visit to
Delhi. Malik Kafur was to maintain firm control over the army
albeit he was not to annoy the soldiery by his harsh treatment or
by being ‘severe in exacting the fifth of the spoils’. 73

The imperial army marched through Devagiri ; Ram Chandra
Deva rendered every type of assistance to it. He entertained
Malik Kafur and other nobles with great hospitality, provided
fodder for the animals and provisions for the soldiers. While the
army was marching through his territories, he remained continu-
ously in attendance upon Malik Kafur and met with all the com-
missariat requirements of the invader ; he oidered his merchants
to set up bazars all along the route of the army ‘with strict ins-
tructions to sell everything according to the sultan’s established
prices in his own dominions. 74 Ram Chandra deputed his scouts
to guide the imperial army en route to Warrangal.

69. Aiauddin Khalji used a black canopy and the black pavilion for holding
the imperial court; tho red canopy was normally reserved for the princes of
the royal blood.

70. Rai Laddar Deo of the Muslim chroniclers; he was a kinsman of the Yada-
vas of Devagiri, his maternal grandmother Rudrambha Devi was a Yadava
princess.

71. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 201.

72. ibid.

73. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 201.

74. Firishta (Briggs), I, p. 212.

156

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

As soon as Malik Kafur reached the frontiers of Telingana,
he issued orders to lay waste the country with fire and sword’.
According to Firishta, ‘this confounded the inhabitants who had
never injured their wanton enemies’.' 3 The invaders met with
resistance at the fort of Sirpur manned by a small contingent of
the Hindu soldiers. All of its defenders died in action while their
ladies, along with their children, perished in the seif-lit fire of
jauhar . Most of the Hindu nobles (rawats) of Telingana, instead
of organising resistance to the invaders, from the countryside,
fled to Warrangal and, apparently, augmented the forces of their
chief. Ram Chandra Deva fought a defensive war from within
the massive fort of Warrangal with double walls and ditches,
which was promptly besieged by the imperial army. Some of the
rawats, who were left outside the fort, rendered a better service
to their master ; they cut off the supply line of the invaders and
actually disrupted the imperial postal services, so much so that
for about six weeks, the Sultan did not receive any news from the
war front. 76 The Hindu guerillas harassed the besiegers by
launching night attacks on them ; it necessitated the erection of
an extensive katli-ghar — a wooden defensive wall all around the
imperial camp for protection. After a brief but deadly struggle,
the imperial army captured the outer fort of Warrangal made of
mud walls, squeezing the besieged garrison within the stone walls
of the inner fort. Hard-pressed, the Rai sued for peace and felt
great relief when he came to know that the invaders could be
bought off. He parted with 100 elephants, 77 7,000 horses and
immense treasure of gold, silver and jewels of incalculable value.;
it included the famous jauhar — later called Koh i Moor,

75. ibid.

76. Alauddin Khalji had developed a highly efficient system of postal services
throughout his dominions. He, employed elaborate means of communi-
cation to keep himself in touch with the imperial armies on the war fronts,
particularly. Barani states that:

It was the practice of the Sultan (Alauddin), when he sent an army on
an expedition, to establish posts on the road, wherever posts could be
maintained, beginning from Tilpat, which is the first stage. At every
post, relays of horses were stationed, and at every half or quarter kos
runners were posted, and in every town or place where horses were
posted, officers and report writers were appointed. Every day, or every
two or three days, news used to come to the sultan reporting the pro-
gress of the army, and intelligence of the health of the sovereign was
carried to the army. False news was thus prevented from _ being
circulated in the city or in the army. The securing of accurate intelli-
gence from the court on one side, and the army on the other, was a
great benefit.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shohi', p. 203.

77. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Slrahi; p. 203.

Firishta, on the other hand, mentions that Kafur brought 300 elephants
to Delhi from the campaign (Briggs, 1, p. 213); may be, the Rai bad sur-
rendered only 100 elephants at Warrangal as a part of the treaty while
the other 200 elephants fell into the hands of the invaders during the
course of the campaign.

KHAUl IMPERIALISM

157

unparalleled in’ the whole world’. 78 The Rai did not meet Malik
Kafur albeit he sent his man-size statue made of gold, with a golden
chain round its neck in acknowledgement of his submission ; he
also promised in writing to send the annual tribute to the imperial
court regularly. Laden with booty, Malik Kafur returned to
Delhi on June 11, 1310 to the great delight of Alauddin Khalji. 70

Flushed with the joy of an easy victory at Warrangal,
Alauddin Khalji ✓became impatient to spread his imperial sway
oyer the whole of the southern peninsula without much loss of
t : me. Malik Kafur was even more enthusiastic than his master
for the enterprising campaign ; within four months of his return
from Warrangal, he was - ready for his third expedition to the
south. The trigger-happy soldiers vied with one another in
getting themselves listed in ‘the army of Islam’ for jehad against
the infidels ; the memories of the times of Mahmud of Ghazni
were revived. The terms like Islam and jehad were, however,
used in a most casual manner ; as a matter of fact, everyone,
from the Sultan to the rank and file, was tempted only by the
glamour of loot and plunder. The expedition was originally
directed against the kingdom of Dwarsamudra but only the
Sultan set the guidelines of the campaign ; Malik Kafur was
allowed ample discretion to execute it in any way he thought fit.
The royal standards, accompanied by Malik Kafur with his red
canopy, moved out of the capital in early November 1310, and a
review of the army of invasion was held on the bank of the Jamuna
for a couple of weeks before it actually marched to the south.
Ram Chandra Deva accorded reception to it at Devagiri on
February 3,1311 and, as usual, provided all the facilities for its
onward march into the kingdom of Dwarsamudra. 80 The imperial
army was divided into regiments of ten thousands ; a regiment
being further split up info units of one thousand soldiers each to
facilitate its quick movements in various directions and ensure
effectiveness of the command. The Hoysala ruler Vir Ballala III
was terrified into submission after a brief show of resistance ; he
surrendered his elephants, horses and the treasure and offered to
pay the annual tribute to Delhi.

It was at Dwarsamudra that Malik Kafur learnt about the
outbreak of a fratricidal war between the two Pandya princes in

78. Firishta, op. cit.

79. According to Firishta, Malik Kafur

despatched before him the account of his victories, which was read from
the pulpit, and public rejoicings were ordered On his approach to
the city, the king himself came out to the Chubootra Nasiry, near the
Budaon gate, to receive him, and there the conqueror laid all the spoils
at his sovereign's feet.

— ibid.

80. The town of Dwarsamudra, according to Firishta, was destroyed by the
encroachment of the sea and lay in ruins during the Mughal period.
—(Briggs), I. p. 214.

158

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

the far south. Kulashekhar, the Pandya ruler of Madura, was
inclined more favourably towards his elder but natural son Vir
Pandya and this excited the jealousies of his younger but legitimate
son Sunder Pandya. Sunder Pandya murdered his father in a fit
of anger and claimed the throne for himself but was turned out
of Madura by Vir Pandya. Hard-pressed, Sunder Pandya appealed
to Malik Kafur, who was then stationed at Dwarsamudra, for help.
This provided a golden opportunity to the latter to lead a contin-
gent of the imperial troops into the far south. 'He was faithfully
assisted by Vir Ballala III in this enterprise. Vir Pandya fled
the capital on the approach of the imperial army which overran
the Pandya kingdom, apparently in search of the fugitive prince,
and plundered all the important towns and temples that fell its
way. Having realised his folly, though very late, Sunder Pandya
also left the imperialists and fled into the jungles. According to
Firishta, Malik Kafur reached as far as Rameshwaram where he
erected a mosque in honour of the victory of Islam. Politically,
his campaign to the far south proved a failure because both of the
Pandya princes alluded him and none made a formal treaty of
surrender nor recognised the paramountcy of Alauddin Khalji
over the dominions of Madura. The campaign proved, however,
most fruitful from the' point of view of material gains ; Malik
Kafur returned to Delhi on October 18,1311, with 612 elephants,
96,000 maunds of gold, 20,000 horses and several chests of pre-
cious jewels and pearls. 81 Amir Khusrau gives the weight of the
precious stones of incalculable value at 500 maunds. As a matter
of fact, the booty from Dwarsamudra and Madura defied all
description and estimates iii terms of its monetary value ;
Alauddin Khalji’s life-long acquisitions, including the spoils of
Devagiri, paled into insignificance before it. It may well have
turned Mahmud of Ghazni in his grave ‘with wistful eyes’. 85 Vir
Ballala III accompanied Malik Kafur to Delhi and received a
very generous treatment from Alauddin Khalji ; after Ram
Chandra Deva, he became the second most useful •"nd obedient
vassal of the sultanate in the south.

Malik Kafur had placed everything at the disposal of
Alauddin Khalji ; the heroic exploits of the south made him the
most celebrated and powerful personality of the empire after the

81 . Barani, Tarikh ! Firoze Shahi ; p. 204.

Silver docs not find mention as having been taken as a part of the spoils
during this expedition. When so much of gold, pearls and jewels were
on hand, the carriage of silver as booty was not worthwhile; it ceased
to be a valuable for the plunderers. Firishta has it on record that
silver was not used as coin in the far south in those days. *No person
wore bracelets, chains or rings of any other metal than gold; while all
the plate in the houses of the great, and in the temples, was of beaten
gold’. — (Briggs), I, pp. 214-15.

82. S.R. Sharma, The Crescent in India— A Study in Medieval History, Bom-
bay, 1937, p.117.

KHALII IMPERIALISM

159

Sultan. He became indispensable for his master in all the state
affairs and _ continued to enjoy his unbounded faith till the end of
his life.

Ram Chandra Deva attended the marriage of the crown prince
Khizer Khan at Delhi with Dewal Rani, in early 1312, as a state
guest ; the Rai Rayan expired soon after his return to
Devagiri and was succeeded by his eldest on Singhanadeva (or
Shankar Deva). He had never approved of his father’s collabo-
ration with the imperialists. He stopped the payment of annual
tribute to Delhi and tended to behave as an independent ruler ;
it necessitated yet another expedition to Devagiri by Malik
Kafur in 1312. Singhanadeva was defeated and killed in action,
and the kingdom of Devagiri was declared annexed to Delhi.
Malik Kafur established his headquarters at Devagiri and occupied
some territories of the adjoining kingdoms of Telingana and
Dwarsamudra as well so that their chiefs might be kept under
effective control. It so appears that Malik Kafur, because of his
tremendous power and prestige, had excited the jealousy of some
other nobles who gradually organised a clique opposed to his
interests at the court ; Malika i Jahan (the ex-queen Kamala
Devi) and Alp Khan, who had been instrumental in reuniting the
chief queen with her daughter Dewal Rani, were its prominent
members ; Khizer Khan, the crown prince was their pampered
royal patron. Being a Hindu convert, with no filial attachments,
Malik Kafur had no permanent adherents among the old Khalji
bureaucracy. He was no match for his rivals in the long-range
struggle for power-politics at the court. Therefore, his intention
seemed to be to establish the nucleus of his power far away from
Delhi, and set up as an independent ruler of the Deccan, if
possible, after the death of Alauddi.i Khalji. The Sultan, how-
ever, could ill-afford to miss his company ; he was also opposed
to the policy of outright annexation of the southern territories.
On his insistence, therefore, Malik Kafur bad to hand over the
charge of the kingdom of Devagiri to Harpaldeva, a prince of
the Yadava dynasty, and returned to Delhi in 13)5. The Deccan
policy of Alauddin Khalji proved to be extremely successful. His
imperialism had two facets ; he resorted to annexation of territo-
ries and establishment of direct civil administration in northern
India. On the other hand - , he thoroughly exploited the south for
the acquisition of its fabulous wealth and was contented by the
acknowledgement of paramountcy by the Hindu rulers. He thus
avoided responsibility for the direct civil administration of the
far-flung territories, nor did he come into clash with the people
in general, who were left to deal with their own regional rulers,
good or bad. The means of communication and transport, in
those days, were very poor ; therefore, outright annexation of
the distant lands might have created untold difficulties for the
imperial government, and led to rebellions or disaffection among
the people at large. Alauddin Khalji saved himself from all these
“hazards ; his Deccan policy was based on wisdom and foresight.

I6U ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

The maximum limits of Alauddin’s empire had been reached
by the end of the year 1311 ; his imperial sway extended roughly
from the Indus in the north-west to the borders of Bihar in the
east, and from the ‘foothills of the Himalayas in the north to
Rameshwaram in the extreme south. His empire in the north
comprised practically the whole of the medieval Punjab and Sind,
the Indo-Gangetic valley (mod. Uttar Pradesh), Rajputana, Malwa
and Gujarat ; while the Deccan peninsula, to the south of the
Narbada, was held by his tributary chiefs. Bihar, Bengal and
Orissa did not, however, constitute a part of his empire.

Encounter with the Mongols

As mentioned elsewhere in this study, the Mongols appeared
on the north-western frontier of India for the first time in 1220-21,
under the leadership of Chengez Khan (1154-1226), when Iltut-
mish was the sultan of Delhi. The country was somehow saved
from the fury of Chengez Khan, albeit the spread of Mongol
sway in Central Asia, Persia and Afghanistan rendered India
vulnerable to their occasional onslaughts and created a permanent
danger to the sultanate of Delhi. Before coming into the. fold
of Islam, the Mongols observed some form of Buddhism inter-
mingled with superstitions. They were dead enemies of the Mus-
lims to begin with: before starting their attacks on India, they had
already overrun almost all the prominent Muslim states in central
and western Asia. They carried destruction and devastation
wherever they went and slaughtered the vanquished people like
sheep and goats. Their appearance on the Indian frontier, there-
fore, spread a wave of horror in northern India and posed a serious
threat to the infant sultanate of Delhi.

Halaku Khan, a grandson of Chengez Khan, had founded
the ruling house of the Ilkhan Mongols in Persia; their lieutenants
invaded India off and on .upto the period of Sultan Jalaluddin
Khalji. By the time Alauddin Khalji ascended the throne, Deva
Khan (1272-1 306), the Chaghtai ruler of Transoxiana, had acqui-
red a premier position among the other Mongol chiefs. He
snatched Afghanistan from the Ilkhans and began to look towards
India with longing eyes. When he heard of the assassination
of Jalaluddin Khalji, he made a determined bid to conquer India.
His intention was not to permit the usurper, Alauddin Khalji,
to consolidate his position at Delhi; therefore, he despatched,
in quick succession, as many as six expeditions to wrest Delhi
from his hands. Alauddin, however, met the challenge squarely
and foiled his plans by beating off the Mongol hordes with heavy
losses.

The first Mongol invasion took place immediately after
Alauddin’s accession to the throne. Under the leadership of

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

161

Kadar Khan, ten turnons 83 of the Mongol marauders crossed the
Indus (1296-97) and carried fire and sword in Punjab and Sind;
Lahore was occupied and sacked by them. Zafar Khan and
Ulugh Khan stopped their onward march in the Jullundur Doab
and indicted a crushing defeat on them in a bloody encounter;
about 20,000 Mongols were killed or wounded in action while
hundreds of them were captured and beheaded later.

The second Mongol invasion (1298) was led by Saldi; he
overran Sind and captured its stronghold Siwistan (Sehwan pro-
bably) which he converted into his headquarters. Zafar Khan led
a sudden assault on the fort and snatched it from the Mongols in a
hand to hand fight ‘with the axe and sword, spear and javelin’.
The entire Mongol army perished in the struggle; Saldi and his
followers were taken captives along with their women and children
and sent to Delhi in chains. Barani writes:

This victory inspired awe of Zafar Khan in every heart and
the sultan also looked askance at him in consequence of his
fearlessness, generalship, and intrepidity, which showed that
a Rustam had been bora in India. 84

Zafar Khan was given charge of Samana, an important mili-
tary post in Punjab, to defend the capital against the Mongol
onslaught. Barani makes highly uncomplimentary remarks about
the attitude of sultan Alauddin Khalji and his brother Ulugh
Khan towards Zafar Khan. He says that, instead of feeling
pleased with Zafar Khan, for the faithful and meritorious service
rendered by him to the state, the sultan and his brother ‘conceived
a hatred and jealousy’ 85 of him because he had become famous
as a hero and eclipsed their own military exploits. 86 As luck

83. The male population of the Mongols was divided into military divisions
based on decimal system; its lowest unit was called urban which comprised
ten horsemen ( fard ; pi. afrad) under the charge of a malik', its highest
division of 10,000 horses was called a tuman whose commander was known
as Amir Tuman.

The numerical figures about the armies and the quantity of loot and pi ud-
der, etc; as given by the medieval chroniclers, are usually exaggerated or,
at the best, rough estimates, which should be' taken with a grain of salt.

84. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 165
85 ibid.

86. Barani goes too far in his wild speculation about Alauddin’s ungrateful
and vile nature which prompted him to get rid of Zafar Khan before it was
too late. He writes:

Two modes of dealing with him (Zafar Khan) seemed open for the
sultan’s choice. One was to send him, with a few thousand horses
to Lakhnauti to take that country, and leave him there to supply ele-
phants and tribute to the sultan; the other was to put him out of the
way by poison or by blinding.

— ibid.

162 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

would have it, the Mongols appeared on the north-western frontier
like locusts for the third time before the close of the year 1299;
according to the medieval chroniclers, they numbered about two’
lakhs (twenty tumans) and were Jed by Qutulugh Khwaja, the
youthful son of Deva Khan. They crossed the Indus and made
straight for Delhi without molesting the people or engaging the
Indian contingents stationed in Punjab. Obviously, their object
was to conquer Delhi and liquidate the sultanate altogether.
Hard pressed, Alauddin Khalji sent express instructions to all the
provincial governors to rush to the capital with their armies for
its defence. Consternation prevailed in Delhi; panic-stricken
people from the neighbouring villages flocked therein, making the
problems of defence and provisions all the more difficult . 87 Some
counsellers of the Sultan advised him to fight a defensive war from
within the fort of Delhi but Alauddin Khalji preferred to challenge
the foe in the open. With the beating of the war drums, he
moved out of the capital and established his camp in the plain
of Kili, at a distance of about six miles to the north of the out-
skirts of Delhi. The number of his armed personnel multiplied
quickly by the arrival of contingents from the various parts of
his dominions. The main army was arranged in the battle-array
and entrenched; the battle-line was extended over many miles with
the fresh arrivals. Zafar Khan held the right wing and Ulugh
Khan the left, while Alauddin himself commanded the centre.
A reserve force of picked horse was kept behind the battle-lines
under the charge of Ulugh Khan to be used in' case of emergency.
The Mongols w'erc engaged as soon as they showed their appear-
ance on the bee-line. Thousands lay dead on both sides in the
bloody clash of arms. Zafar Khan broke through the enemy’s
lines and gave a hot chase to the fleeing Mongols for eighteen kos
without any supporting force in his own rear. Targhi, a Mongol
leader, who had placed his tuman in ambush, saw through the
game, and rushed forward to cut off Zafar Khan’s party from its
base camp. He entrapped the royal troops on their way back
and cut them to a man; Zafar Khan fell fighting bravely. Ulugh
Khan knew that his colleague Zafar Khan was in trouble but he
did not send the reinforcements to save his life. As a matter of
fact, Zafar Khan had committed a serious tactical mistake in chas-
ing a part of the routed foe without a parallel movement from the
centre and the left wing of the imperial troops. The Sultan, who

87. According to Barani,

Great anxiety prevailed in Delhi, and the people of the neighbouring
villages took refuge within its walls. The old fortifications had not been
kept" in repair, and terror prevailed, such as never, before had been
seen or heard of. AH men, great and small, were in dismay. Such a
concourse had crowded into the city that the streets and markets and
mosques could not contain them. Everything became very dear. The
roads were stopped against caravans and merchants, and distress fell
upon the people.

— Tnrikli i Firoze Shahi: n. t **

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

163

was in supreme command of the imperial army at the moment,
had not permitted his generals to put their own battle-lines in dis-
array; therefore; Zafar Khan, out of his misplaced enthusiasm and
emotional nature, defied the supreme command, dashed through the
enemy zone without coordination of efforts with his colleagues
and brought peril upon himself. Alauddin Khalji was, therefore,
not responsible for the sad end of Zafar Khan’s life.

The Mongols were disheartened by the tough resistance put
up by Delhi; they broke the engagement that very night and re-
treated to the Khyber pass by forced marches. Qutlugh Khwaja
was taken ill and died on the wav to Transoxiana. Alauddin
Khalji returned to the capital in triumph; the Mongols had
been repulsed, and ‘the brave and fearless Zafar Khan had been
got rid of without disgrace’. 88 None paid tribute to the fallen
general at the court of Alauddin though his heroic deeds were
‘long remembered among the Mongols; and if their cattle refused
to drink, they used to ask if they saw Zafar Khan’. 89

Three successive defeats gave a setback to the Mongol power
though for a shortwhile. During the next two years (1300-02
a.d.), Dava Khan remained busy with some other central Asian
feuds while the much-needed relief' was utilised by Alauddin
Khalji to reorganise and strengthen his army and launch a com-
prehensive scheme for the subjugation of unconquered Indian
territories. He conquered Ranthambhor, sent an expedition to
\Yarrangal, and laid siege to the Rajput stronghold of Chittor
under his personal command. He was at Chittor in February 1 303
when the intelligence about the reappearance of Mongols on the
Indian borders reached him. They numbered 1,20,000 and
were led by a seasoned general Targhi Beg who had commanded a
tuman in the third invasion (1229 a d.) and killed Zafar Khan.
Alauddin allowed the siege of Chittor to continue but himself
hastened to Delhi with a part of his army and made hurried
arrangements for its defence which were far from being adequate.
The Mongols laid siege to the capital and put the neighbouring
villages and towns to plunder. The siege of Delhi lasted forty
days when, all of a sudden, the Mongols decamped and retreated
from India to the great amazement and relief of Alauddin
Khalji and his people. In fact, the Mongols were very poor at
laying siege to the fortified installations ; they grew impatient and
could not manipulate provisions or sustain their enthusiasm in
the long drawn-out conflicts. Their failure to take Delhi by storm
undid their enterprise and, with every passing day of the siege,
Targhi Beg apprehended that his army might be encircled and
destroyed by the Indian contingents from the provincial head-
quarters, which were gradually closing upon the capital. Hence

88. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 168.

89. ibid.

164

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

the Mongols thought of their safety in retreat before it was too
late. 90

The repeated defeats suffered by the Mongols at the hands of
Indian forces, instead of disheartening them, kindled, in their
hearts, the spirit of revenge. Two years later (1305 a.d.), Ali Beg,
a descendant of Chengez Khan, accompanied by Khwaja Tartaq
(or Tash) and Targhi Beg, led 50,000 Mongols into India with
the sole object of loot and plunder, destruction and devastation.
They ravaged Multan, then swept across the fertile plains of Punjab
and moved towards the foothills of the Shiwaliks. Targhi
Beg was struck down by a chance arrow of an Indian defender,
somewhere on the Sutlej.. The Mongols avoided contact with the
heavily guarded forts, did not engage the Indian contingents,
and to the great bewilderment of Alauddin Khalji, bypassed even
Delhi, which was strongly defended by the imperial troops.
Instead, they spread themselves in the Jumna Doab and the
Gangetic valley and indulged in loot and arson.

Once the Sultan understood the true motives of the Mongols,
he adopted new tactics to put a stop to their vandalism. He
himself safeguarded the capital while Malik Kafur cut off their
lines of retreat, herded them together, as far as possible, by a
flanking movement of the royal armies, and struck at them
near Amroha with a terrible force. The nucleus of the Mongol
army was smashed, and ‘the battle-field was covered with heaps of
slain like shocks corn’. 91 About eight thousand Mongols were
taken captive’ and sent to Delhi where they were paraded through
the streets and then put to death. Ali Beg and Tartaq were spared
their lives for a while but beheaded soon after they displayed
their hostile intentions.

The worst fate awaited those who had escaped from the trap
laid by Malik Kafur. Ghazi Malik (later Ghiasuddin Tughluq,
the founder of the Tughluq Dynasty of Delhi), then the governor
of Dipalpur, led his army towards the Indus on the orders of
the Sultan. He lay in ambush and entrapped the Mongol fugi-
tives, who were killed like rats. Firishta says that those of the
Mongols who

90. Barani opines that

If Targhi had remained another month upon the Jumna, the panic
would have reached to such a height that a general fight would have
taken place, and Delhi would have been lost. ..This. ..preservation of
Delhi seemed, to wise men, one of the wonders of the age. The Mon-
gols had sufficient forces to take it; they arrived at the most opportune
time; they made themselves masters of the roads, and hemmed in the
ro'.al army and its appurtenances. The sultan's army had not been
replenished, and no reinforcements reached it. But for all this the
Mongols did not prevail.

— Tarlkh l Firoze Shahi; pp. 190-91.

91. Barani, Tarlkh l Firoze Shahi ; p. 198.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

165

escaped the sword, finding it impossible to force their way
home, retired into the desert, where thirst and the hot
winds, which blow at that season, put an end to their misera-
ble lives. 92

He adds that

All the Mongol women and children, taken in this war, were
sent to different parts of the kingdom, to be sold in the
markets, as slaves. 93

Undeterred, the Mongols made yet another bid to lay their
hands on the Indian soil. Iqbalmanda and Kubak invaded
India towards the close of the year 1306, at the head of about
50,000 Mongols ; this was the sixth and the last invasion of the
series that took place during the reign of Alauddin Khalji. The
Mongols were divided into two groups, possibly three, under the
charge of different leaders who advanced by separate routes ;
Kubak marched upon Lahore while Iqbalmrnda followed a
southernly course and reached as far as Nagor. Malik Kafur and
Ghazi Malik destroyed the army of Kubak on the Ravi and sent
‘some thousand’. Mongols, including Kubak, as prisoners to -
Delhi where they were tortured to death ‘according to the custom
of the times’. 94 Iqbalmanda’s army was defeated and annihilated
near Nagor in a pitched battle ; most probably, the Mongol leader
escaped to Afghanistan with a handful of the survivors.

It marked the end of Mongol terror in India for many years
to come. The Mongols ‘conceived such a fear and dread’ of
the imperial armies of Delhi ‘that all fancy for coming to
Hindustan was washed clean out of their breasts. 95 They were
rather hard pressed to defend themselves against the Indian ex-
peditions to Afghanistan. Ghazi Malik, as the warden of the
marches, not only defended effectively the north-western frontier -
but also led periodical raids to Kabul and Ghazni and ‘laid the
inhabitants under heavy contributions’. 90 The Mongols had,
perhaps, never received such a rough treatment anywhere else as
they did at the hands of the armies of the shltanate.

Alauddin Khalji adopted Balban’s ‘policy of blood and iron’
in tackling the Mongol menace with a vengeance. He converted
the whole of north-western India into a defensive belt against the
Mongol inroads ; it comprised the capital itself, the Punjab with
its military governorship at Samana, Dipalpur, Lahore and
Multan, and the Indus valley. The old forts were repaired and
many new ones built at strategic points'; these were heavily

92. Firishta (Briggs), I, p. 207.

93. Ibid; pp. 207-8.

94. ibid; p. 208

95. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 199.

96. Firishta (Briggs), I, p. 208.

166

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

garrisoned by the imperial troops, under the charge of youthful
and competent generals. They were under the direct supervision
and control of the central government. All the forts and other
military installations were interconnected by widening of the old
highways and the construction of new roads. A highly efficient
spy system was put in operation on the frontier which posted the
Sultan with the latest developments in the politica!-cum-military
situation of the region within no time. The defences of the
capital received special attention of the Sultan. The fort of Delhi
was repaired and greatly improved while a new fort was built at
Siri which safeguarded the royal palaces, treasury and the secreta-
riat. Alauddin Khalji raised a huge standing army, equipped
with well-bred horses and the improved weapons of war, including
the mechanised instruments of destruction. He struck terror in
the hearts of Mongols by inflicting the most barbaric punishments
on them in the spirit of ‘tit for tat’. By his brutal treatment of
the Mongols, the Sultan removed their terror from the hearts of
the Indians, boosted the morale of his own army and made his
subjects confident of ‘his ability to protect them against the
Mongols’. 07 . Alauddin’s frontier policy was based on scientific
lines and it proved extremely successful. To quote Barani,

All fear of the Mongols entirely departed from Delhi and the
neighbouring provinces. Perfect security was everywhere
felt, and the raiyats of those territories, which had been
exposed to the inroads of the Mongols, carried on their
agriculture in peace. 03

Alauddin’s army which stood as a bulwark against the foreign
invasions from the north-west in the earlier pair of his reign,
helped him in the conquest of southern India at a later stage,
which transformed the sultanate of Delhi into a mighty Indian
empire. The repeated Mongol onslaughts terrified the Indians
who were constrained to look towards the Sultan for the protec-
tion of their lives and property ; this factor, indirectly, helped
Alauddin Khalji in enforcing a highly centralised autocratic rule
over the country. Though a military despot, possessed of cruel
and barbaric tendencies, Alauddin Khalji emerged as the saviour
of his people who glossed over his excesses and reposed full con-
fidence in him as his respectful and dociie subjects.

97. Sultan Hameed Warsi, History of Alauddin Khalji ; Allahabad, 1930, p.2l .

98. Barani, Tarikh i Firozc Shahi ; p. 199.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

167

3: Government in Action under Alauddin Khalji

Administrative Reforms

The Islamic polity was based primarily on the Persian ‘pagan’
traditions ; the administrative system of the sultans of Delhi 91 *
was an adaptation of the universal model to suit the peculiar
Indian conditions. Alauddin Khalji did not bring about radical
changes in the infrastructure of the Mamluk polity ; he was not
for that matter an innovator in the field of administration ;
nonetheless, he was an administrator par excellence. He took
personal interest in the administrative affairs, set the guidelines,
and executed his plans with utmost severity. He concentrated
his attention on the functional aspect of the government and made
it highly efficient by introducing strong discipline and a sense
of duty among the services. The capable and efficient officials'
were rewarded while the incapable, inefficient and corrupt among
them were weeded out mercilessly. Alauddin Khalji overhauled
the Mamluk hierarchy by introducing changes in the managerial
control ; thereiri lay his real contribution as the best administrator
among all the sultans of Delhi.

The Mamluk sultans had planted not only a foreign adminis-
trative system in India but also thrust the Turkish bureaucracy
over the head of their subjects : it was foreign in composition and
character and totally alien to the socio-cultural conditions,
customs, traditions and the sentiments of the Indians. That is
why it could not take deep roots in the Indian soil. Alauddin
Khalji adopted the structure of ‘slave’ polity almost in toto ; he
was not a genius like Sher Shah Suri (1540-45) or Akbar the Great
(1558-1605) who could effect structural changes in the civil admini-
stration as such. More as a practical statesman than an administra-
tor, however, Alauddin Khalji realised the shortcomings and weak-
nesses of the Turkish aristocracy, and the inherent dangers to
which the sultans exposed themselves by depending exclusively
upon them in the matter of organisation of government. He,
therefore, did away with the traditional Turkish aristocracy at the
top level and reduced its strength in the middle-level administra-
tive hierarchy as far as possible. He secularised the Khalji
bureaucracy and threw open the state services to the commoners,
including the Hindus, the Hindu converts to Islam and the other
unprivileged Muslims. As the Khaljis did not belong to the
Turkish ruling elite of the ‘slave’ sultans of Delhi, they identified
themselves with the Indian masses ; the new ministry of Alauddin
Khalji, as it came into existence after about a year of his assuming
the reigns of government, did not include even a single Turkish
noble of the-traditional ruling class ; all of the incumbents were

99. For details refer to Chapter 10 of this study.

168

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

drawn from the non-priviieged and 'non-descript' masses, ‘the
commonality of India ’. 100

Alauddin Khalji was an autocrat of the first order ; his
despotism would very often attain monstrous proportions. Conse-
quently, the working of government under him was deeply influ-
enced by the personal character of the sultan. He had won
the crown by force, and he could hold his own by his military
prowess. His was a police state, established on the barbaric
principle— ‘might is the supreme right ’ ; to which may be added
Hitler’s rhetoric ‘that the dispute as to what is right can be
decided by the arbitrament of war’. His ministers, counsellors
and legal advisers were all his creatures, none of whom held his
place in the royal court in his own right.

During the early years of his reign, Alauddin Khalji had to
face quite a few revolts at the hands of disaffected nobles and
his ambitious kinsmen. There was no fixed law of succession
among the sultans of Delhi , and Alauddin Khalji was especially a
usurper who had no hereditary, legal or moral claim to the
throne. That is why his ambitious nephew Akai Khan conspired
against him, struck him down and, taking him for dead, sat on
the imperial throne where he promptly received homage from the
nobles ; he had to pay with his life later, for the only fault
that he had failed to chop off the head of Alauddin Khalji when
the latter lay unconscious on the ground in a pool of blood. It
‘roused’ the sultan ‘from his dreams of security and pride,’ and,
in consultation with his confidential advisers, he came to the
conclusion that there were ‘four’ causes of such revolts . 101 These
were — the sultan’s indifference towards the state affairs, parti-
cularly the espionage, social intercourse of nobles and inter-
marriages among them, the use of wine, and the abundance of
wealth. Alauddin took prompt steps to eliminate these causes.

In the first instance, the Sultan began to take keen interest
in the day to day administration and gradually consolidated his
grip over the entire state machinery. He was an illiterate man
when he acquired the throne, and being militant by temperament,
did not enjoy the confidence of the learned men at the. court. It
is said that, in the beginning of his reign, the ulema and the
sophisticated courtiers made it ‘a maxim not to talk upon
subjects, beyond the King’s knowledge ’. 102 Alauddin became
conscious of ‘the disadvantages under which he laboured’ ; he,
therefore, ‘applied himself privately to study, and notwithstanding
the difficulty of acquiring the knowledge of Persian, after he once

100. Warsi, Alauddin Khalji; op. cit ; p.4]

101. Refer to Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi\ E & D, III, p.l 78. & Firishta
(Briggs), I, p.195.

102. Firishta (Briggs), I, p.197.

KHAUI IMPERIALISM

169

bent his mind to it, he soon read all addresses, and made himself
acquainted with the best authors in the language ’. 103 After he had
made such progress as to be able to take part in learned discourses,
Alauddin Khalji held detailed discussions with his ministers on
administrative problems, issued directives and took the defaulting
officials to task with an iron hand. He organised an efficient
system of reporting and espionage to keep himself abreast of all
the developments within his dominions. He received regular
reports about the working of the government and general condition
of the people from three sources— the officers in charge, the
news reporters (bands) and the spies ( munhis ). The bands were
known to the public while the munhis were undetectable ; the
latter communicated directly with the Sultan and were a real terror
to all the high and the low. They were spread all over the
empire. The arrangement made was such that ‘no action of
good or bad men was concealed’ from the Sultan. ‘No one
could stir without his knowledge, and whatever happened in the
houses of the nobles, great men and officials, was communicated
to the sultan ’ 104 by his secret agents. The system of reporting
went to such a length that ‘nobles dared not speak aloud even
in the largest palaces, and if they had anything to say they com-
municated by signs ’. 105 The dread of the sultan’s spies made
the high-ups, including the ministers, princes of the royal blood,
queens and other members of the royal household, tremble within
their own apartments and none was sure as to which of his family
or company was a secret agent of the Sultan. On the basis of
these reports, the Sultan wiped out the disaffected nobles and
their families, called for the explanation of the defaulting officials
and punished the people at large.

Secondly, Alauddin Khalji introduced total prohibition in
the capital and its adjoining territories ; gambling was also forbid-
den. This wine shops were closed down and ‘the wine merchants
and the gamblers were turned out of the city, and the heav., taxes
which had been levied from them, were abolished’. 10 ® . The
Sultan himself gave up drinking parties and directed that ‘all the
china and glass vessels of his banqueting room should be broken’ ;
their fragments were thrown out in front of the Badaun gate
where they constituted a big heap. On the orders of the Sultan
‘jars and casks of wine were brought out of the royal cellars and
emptied at the Badaun gate in such abundance that mud and
mire was produced as in the rainy season ’. 107 The use of wine in
feasts and social get-togethers was declared a penal offence ;
exemplary punishments were inflicted on those who disobeyed

103. ibid.

104. Barani, Tarikh, op.cit; p. 179.

105. ibid ; pp. 179-80.

106. ibid; p. 180.

107. ibid.

ADVANCED study in the history OP MEDIEVAL INDIA

the law , nevertheless, selling and drinking of wine continued
sccietly and the Sultan was, ultimately, constrained to permit a
limited use of wine and spirits to the people in the privacy of their
homes.

Thirdly, Alauddin Khalji took stringent measures to bring the
nobility under his effective control. As stated earlier, the tradi-
tional Turkish nobility of the Mamluk era was wiped out and
replaced by a new class of aristocracy, most of whom were his
own creatures ; therefore, the Sultan did not face much difficulty
in accomplishing his objectives. He placed numerous curbs on
their social mobility, and inter-relationships. The nobles were
‘not permitted to visit each other’s houses, or give feasts, or
hold meetings’. They were forbidden to enter into matrimonial
alliances without the consent of the Sultan. Barani writes that
this order was carried out with such rigidity that

no stranger was admitted inteva nobleman’s house. Feasting
and hospitality fell quite into disuse. Through fear of the
spies, the nobles kept themselves quiet ; they gave no parties
and had little communication with each other. No man of
a seditious, rebellious, or evil reputation was allowed to come
near them. If they went to the sarais, they could not lay
their heads together, or sit down cosily and tell their troubles.
Their communications were brought down to a mere exchange
of signs . 108

Fiscal Policy and Revenue Reforms

The abundance of wealth which had been diagnosed by
Alauddin Khalji’s advisers to be the fourth cause of revolts, was
tackled by the Sultan in a very comprehensive way. He could
understand better the role of money in determining the fate or
fortunes of the kingdoms . 109 In order to eliminate this ‘source

108. ibid-, pp.181-82.

109. Alauddin’s confidential advisers told him that

Money... engenders evil and strife, and brings forth pride and disloyalty.

If men had no money, they would attend to their own business, and
would never think of riots and revolts. And if rioters and rebels had
no money, they could never count upon the assistance of low and
turbulent people.

— Barani, Tarikh i Hroze Shahi; p. 178.

Firishta, who belonged to the later medieval age, interprets the fourth
cause of the revolts in a bit different svay. According to him;

The last and not the least cause, they (the ‘wise men') thought, arose
from the unequal division of property; they considered that the wealth
of a rich empire, if confined to a few persons, only rendered them, as
governors of provinces, more like independent princes than subjects
of the state.

—(Briggs), I, p.195.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

171

of trouble', he felt tempted and took vigorous steps to lay his
hands on the property of the nobility and the well-to-do citizens.
In a more sohisticated language, the Sultan adopted a new fiscal
policy and introduced important changes in the revenue system of
the state; he was, in fact, the first among the sultans of Delhi,
who took keen interest in regulating the financial affairs as a
matter of state policy. By a ‘stroke of the pen’, Alauddin Khalji
abolished the zamindari system in the crown lands and by a thrust
of his sword, he confiscated the jagirs and estates, stopped the
practice of issuing grants of land in lieu of state service and abo-
lished the pensions and endowments ‘beyond a few thousand
tankas’. 110 Of course, there are instances to prove that the system
of granting lands in lieu of service or in in'am could not be given
up by Alauddin’s government altogether. A probability has also
been expressed that ‘all assignments were not confiscated but their
management was taken over by the government’. 111 There are,
however, reasons to believe that Alauddin Khalji did apply the
‘Morton’s fork’ to extract surplus money from his subjects on one
pretext or the other. As mentioned earlier, soon after consoli-
dating his position, the Sultan laid his hands on the ex-Jalali
nobles and deprived them of their lands and riches on the excuse
that they were turncoats and hence ‘untrustworthy’. A couple of
years later, this practice was made universal. Barani’s observa-
tions 112 on this issue, though full of exaggeration, reveal the truth
that Alauddin Khalji took drastic steps to cripple the power of
' the nobility and strengthen the hands of the central government.
But for the personal factor which lay behind his medieval outlook
while talking of ‘the state’, the measure adopted by him seemed
to be progressive, the success of which could have, ultimately,
led to the evolution of a strong and stable central government.
Alauddin Khalji did absolutely nothing to create even a semblance
of the central authority,- apart from the person of the sultan
himself, which could hold intact such a mighty state that he had
brought into being, by his military prowess and forceful character.
After having dealt with the nobility and other grandees of the
state, Alauddin Khalji turned his attention towards the feudatory
Hindu chieftains, called rais, rawats or thakurs, and hereditary
Hindu landlords, referred to by the Barani as the khuts, muqad-
dams and chaudharis. The bulk of the cultivable land, under the
sultans of Delhi, was held by the Hindu peasant proprietors
0 balahars of Barani) in their hereditary rights, according to the
ancient traditions. So also was the case with their semi-official
rural leaders and headmen of the villages— the khuts , muqaddams
and chaudharis who acted as landlords or ‘intermediaries’ for

110. Barani, Tarikh, p. 179.

111. K.S, Lai, The Khaljis, op. cit; p. 243.

The land reforms were not carried out in the right spirit, and" proved

to be short-lived.

112. Barani, Tarikh, pp. 179-80.

172

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OP MEDIEVAL INDIA

the collection of land revenue and other state demands from the
village folk . 118 It has correctly been said that

Alauddin realized the limitations of his power. He was
a Muslim ruler of a non-Muslim land and he knew that he
could only govern on principles acceptable to the Hindu
masses . 114

I

Therefore, the Sultan ‘had to leave the hereditary Hindu digni-
taries and their people to their traditional ways of life ’. 116

These khuts, maqaddams and chaudharis had, however, en-
riched themselves at the cost of the peasants as well as the state.
They charged heavy dues in state demand and their collection
fees ( khuli ) from the former, but paid very little to the exchequer.
They embezzled the government money, fleeced the tillers of
the soil and enjoyed luxurious lives; they ‘paid no heed to the
revenue officials’. Alauddin Khalji adopted a strong policy to
remedy the situation. He issued two regulations to settle the
state demand. The first regulation ( zabita ) adopted measurement
of the cultivable land as the principle for determining the land
revenue; biswa was declared to be the standard unit of measure-
ment. The government demand was fixed at half of the produce
which was to be realised ‘without any diminution’, and ‘this rule
was to apply to khutas (landlords) and balahars (cultivators)
without the slightest distinction ’. 118

The second regulation related to a levy on the cattle. A
tax for pasturage, at a fixed rate, was levied and demanded ‘for
every inhabited house, so that no animal, however wretched,
could escape the tax’. It was made applicable to all the inhabi-
tants, rich or poor, high or low . 117

Alauddin Khalji was the first Muslim ruler of Delhi who
introduced measurement of land as the basis for the assessment
of the state demand — one of the well-established ancient Indian
customs. Of course, the demand for half the produce as land
revenue was excessive; nevertheless, it was in accordance with the
general nature of Alauddin Khalji. The Sultan deprived the
khuts of their special privileges and abolished their khuli— ‘the
collection charges’. They were also put under obligation to pay
land revenue and other cesses at the same rate at which the other
peasants were taxed. Barani’s account on this point is not clear
but it so appears that the khuts were expecte d to pay revenue on
the land under their personal cultivation only, and not on behalt

113. Comp. HI, V, p. 356.

114. Comp. HI, V, p. 354.

115. ibid.

116. Barani, Tarlkh, p. 182.

117. ibid.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

173

of or for the other peasants. If this is correct, then we conclude
that Alauddin Khalji had abolished the zamindari or ‘intermediary’
status of the khuts, muqaddams and chaudharis, and struck a
serious blow to the traditional Hindu landed aristocracy. There-
after, they might have continued to hold their hereditary family
titles but we are not sure if they also continued to perform their
old functions of revenue collection without the receipt of their
collection fees. This conclusion seems to be correct in the light
of a meaningful statement made by Barani in the course of his
narrative. He says:

The same rules for the collection of the tribute (taxes) applied
to all alike, and the people were brought to such a state of
obedience that one revenue officer would string -twenty khuts,
muqaddams or chaudharis together by the neck, and enforce
payment by blows . 118

Alauddin Khalji had a vast revenue establishment; it is
probable that some of the old khuts, muqaddams and chaudharis
were enrolled as revenue collectors on the new terms and remune-
ration offered by the state. Alauddin enforced strict discipline
among the revenue personnel ; ‘collectors, clerks and other
officers employed in revenue matters, who took bribes and acted
dishonestly, were dismissed ’. 119 Barani asserts that

There was no chance of a single tanka being taken dishonestly,
or as bribery, from-any Hindu or Musulman. The revenue
collectors and officers were so coerced and checked that for
five hundred or a thousand tankas, they were imprisoned and
kept in chains for years... Oft times fiscal officers fell into
prison and had to endure blows and stripes . 1 * 0

Such being the case, Barani’s observation is correct that

Men looked upon revenue officers as something worse than
fever. Clerkship was a great crime, and no man would give
his daughter to a clerk . 121

We need not attach much significance to those statements of
Barani which impart a communal touch to the fiscal and revenue
reforms of Alauddin Khalji. He enforced these measures over
his subjects irrespective of whether they were Hindus or Muslims ;
it is just a coincidence that it were most of the Hindus who were
affected by his revenue policy.

118. Barani, Tarikh, pp. 182-83.

119. ibid.

120. ibid; p. 183.

121. ibid.

174

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA
Price Control and Market Regulations

Alauddin’s ambition to expand his kingdom and the anxiety
to protect it from the Mongol menace prompted him to raise a
huge standing army. Its dire necessity was felt in 1 303 when he
was suddenly caught between the two whirlwinds— the prestigeous
siege of Chittor and the Mongol invasion of Delhi. Alauddm
was successful in the two-pronged struggle but he made up his
-mind, thereafter to recruit a permanent army ‘not only large, but
choice, well-armed, with archers, and all ready for immediate
service’. 122 His soldiers were not an ordinary lot ; they were the
favoured children of the sultanate, upon whose faithful and effi-
cient service depended the safety of the crown ; they were mate-
rially rich and lived much more comfortably than the masses.
Alauddin was confronted with the problem how to increase the
strength of the armed forces on payment of a moderate salary
without adversely affecting their standard of living. His success-
ful military exploits had already resulted in the excessive flow of
gold and silver in the capital and its adjoining towns. It led to
the rise of prices ; and, with the increase of armed personnel,
the circulation of money in the market and consequent rise of
the price level seemed to be a natural corollary. This might, in
turn, necessitate increase in the salaries of the soldiers in the years
to come. It was apprehended that, in case the Sultan was called
upon to ‘settle a large amount of pay on the army’ year after
year, the royal treasury, which was full to the brim at that time,
would be exhausted within five or six years. 123 The Sultan was
anxious to save the state economy from the vicious circle of
inflation and price rise. After considerable deliberations, he
introduced a salary structure in conformity with a dignified
standard of living of the various categories of soldiers. The salary
of a foot soldier was fixed at 78 tankas 124 per annum, while a
horseman, who was provided with a horse by the state, got double
the amount, i.e., 156 tankas. If the horseman maintained his
own horse ( yak aspa ) he was given 78 tankas extra per annum
as the horse allowance ; this allowance was also doubled when
he. could muster two horses (do aspa), thus bringing his total emo-
luments to 312 tankas per annum. The Sultan desired that this
salary structure should be made rigid and permanent. His
‘sagacious advisers’ argued that in case ‘the necessaries of life
could be bought at a low rate’, it would be possible ‘to maintain
a large and permanent army’ upon the scales of pay as fixed by
the Sultan. They further explained that ‘the necessaries of life
would never become cheap until the price of grain was fixed by
regulations and tariffs’. 125

122. Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; E & D, III, p. 191.

123. ibid.

124. A tanka of silver was equivalent to the silver rupee of the Mughal period; it

was one tola in weight.

125. Barani, op. cit; p. 192.

RHAUI IMPERIALISM

175

Alauddin Khalji, therefore, issued a number of economic
regulations to determine the prices of various necessaries of life
and ensure their regular supply to the people at fixed prices and
without any inconvenience. 128 The fixation of prices was not done
by the sultan arbitrarily, nor was his price structure based on
the fluctuating supply and demand, good or bad weather, or the
speculative trends of the business community who raised or
lowered the prices with motives of making the maximum profits.
Instead, Alauddin Khalji fixed the prices of goods on the progres-
sive principle of 'production-cost’ ( bar award). 121 The first set of
eight regulations dealt with corn and cereals. The first regulation
( zabita ) fixed the price per maund of wheat at 7.5 jitals, 128 barley
at 4 jitals, while cereals like mash and nukhud were to sell at
5 jitals and moth at 3 jitals per maund.

The land revenue from the khalsa villages was realised in
kind (regulation 3). The grain was stored in the state granaries
and, during the days of scarcity, sold at the tariff rates, 'according
to the needs of the people.

Alauddin appointed Malik Qabul, an intelligent and trust-
worthy servant of Ulugh Khan, to be the controller of all the
grain markets (shahna i mandi). 129 He used to go round the
markets ‘in great state with many horse and foot’, and was
assisted in the discharge of his functions by a number of deputies
and spies. Separate markets were set up for each major trade
and each market was put under the charge of a shana who
worked in subordination to the chief controller of the markets.

All grain carriers (the caravans) of the kingdom were brought
into a single corporation (yak wujud) under the charge of shahna
i mandi. The merchants were registered and issued licences to
bring grain from the far-off villages ; the provincial and local
revenue officials helped them in the procurement of grain at fixed

126. Barani, op. cit ., pp. 192-97.

127. Mohammad Habib & Mrs (Dr) Afsar Khan, The Political Theory of the
Delhi Sultanate (being the Eng. trs. of Fatawa i Jahandari of Barani) ;
Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, p. 35.

128. The tankas were of gold as well as silver.

There were 50 jitals to a silver tanka; the jital was a copper coin, the
weight of which is not known; some presume that it was also a tola in
weight while the others hold that it weighed 4.75 tolas. If tanka is
taken to be medieval equivalent of modern rupee, a jital was worth two
paise. The maund of the days of Alauddin Khalji, as mentioned by
Barani, comprised 40 seers and each seer weighed 24 tolas.

129. Regulation 2. Barani s description of the regulations is defective because
he did not have the original documents at his disposal when he wrote the
narrative. He has discussed all the economic measures with' special
reference to Delhi alone though we have reasons to believe that these eco-
nomic regulations were made applicable to other parts of the sultanate as
well.

176

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

rates . 130 It was either acquired by the state granaries or sold
by the merchants in the open market at the rates dictated by the
government ; the merchants were allowed to charge a moderate
profit plus the cost of carriage over and above their procurement
price. It is said that the margin of profit, permissible to the
merchants was so low that, at the initial stage, some of the
caravans did not abide by the government regulations. Barani
records that the heads of such caravans were brought in chains
before the shahna i mandi and kept in confinement ‘until they
agreed upon one common mode of action and gave bail for each
other ’ . 1S1 The grain carriers were asked to settle along with
their families, in the villages on the banks of the Jumna so that
they might be able to transport grain from various parts of the
country under the supervision of the government officials, and
prevent the prices from rising above ‘the royal standard’. As a
result, ‘so much grain found its way into the markets’ that, in
normal times, ‘it was unnecessary to open the royal stores ’. 132

The fifth regulation provided for securing the cheapness of
grain against regrating (ihtikar ) — buying and hoarding of goods
with a view to retailing at a profit. This rule was enforced so
rigidly that no copn-dealer, farmer or anyone else ‘could hold
back secretly a • raaund or half a maund of grain’ and sell it for
a dang or a dnam above the fixed price. The regrated grain,
if discovered, was forfeited to the state and the regrator was
fined . 133

The. Sultan received the daily report regarding the market
rates and the transactions of goods from three distinct sources—
the controllers of the markets, the barids and the munhis .” 4
If there was any variance in these reports, the defaulters were
hauled up by the sultan. According to Barani’s testimony, the
specified scales of prices were maintained as long as Alauddin lived,
irrespective of whether the Tains were abundant or scanty’. The
unvarying price of grain in the markets was ‘looked upon as one
of the wonders of the time ’. 135 He narrates an incident that,
during a season of drought, a junior shahna (not Malik Qabul)
of a market, once or twice ‘reported that the price (of grain) had
risen half a jital, and he received twenty blows with the stick . 130
Firishta observes, however, that

130. Regulation 6.

131. Barani, Tarikh, pp. 193-94.

132. ibid; p. 194.

133. ibid,

1 34. Regulation?. >

135. Barani, Tarikh, pp. 192-93.

136. ibid;p.\95.

KHALII IMPERIALISM

177

The prices remained fixed during this reign ; but in, conse-
quence of a want of water, a dearth ensued, and a difference
took place in practice. It is difficult to conceive how so
extraordinary a project should have been put in practice, with-
out defeating its own end. Such a plan was neither before
ever carried into effect, or (sic) has it been tried since ; but
it is confidently asserted that the orders continued throughout
the reign of this monarch . 137

The eighth regulation provided for the rationing of grain in times
of drought or famine. A quantity of corn sufficient for the daily
supply of each mohalla of the capital was consigned to the local
corn dealers ( baqqals ) every day from the government stores,
and half a maund was allowed to the ordinary purchasersjn the
markets. The people from the adjoining villages also flocked to
Delhi to purchase grain at the fixed rates. If, in times of scarcity,
‘any poor reduced person’ went to the market and did not get
his requirement, the official incharge of the market was taken
to task whenever the sultan came to know of it . 138 Of course,
there were seasons of drought and shortages, but we do not hear
of any large scale famine and deaths by starvation during the
reign of Alauddin Khalji ; it must have been made possible only
by the wise economic reforms and strict control of the markets
by the government. Barani is fully justified to remark that

This was indeed the wonder of the. age; and no other monarch
was able to affect it . 139

The second set of regulations were issued by the Sultan for
the purpose of securing low prices for cloth and groceries . 1 * 0
The extensive lawns, which had long been out of use near the
Badaun gate of the capital, were converted into an open market,
called the Sarai Adi, for the sale and purchase of these commo-
dities. A wing of this market was reserved for all transactions
in cloth, piece goods and garments ; it constituted the ‘cloth
market’ which was put under the charge of rais parwana (permit
officer). All the Indian and foreign merchants, who happened to
be in the capital, were required to bring every sort of cloth to

137. Firishta (Briggs), I. p. 202.

138. Barani, Tarikh, p. 195.

139. ibid.

140. The price list of groceries for the capital included:

sugar candy, 1 seer : 2 fit ah

coarse sugar ( shakar ), 1 sear : 1 firal
coarse sugar surkh ( gur ), 1 seer: 0.5 jitals
lamp oil, 3 seers... ...: 1 jital

ghee, 1 seer ... ...: 0 5 jitals

salt, 5 seers... ...: t jital

onions & garlic, 1 seer ...: 1 jital
—Firishta {Briggs), I, p.204.

The price list for other parts of the empire must have shown local and
regional variations.

178

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

this market and sell it at the rates prescribed by the government.
Like the corn dealers, the cloth merchants were also organised
into a corporation ; their names were registered in the office of
the rais parwana and they had to execute bonds to the effect
that they would bring specified quantities of cloth, from wherever
they could find, for sale in the capital’s market. The coarse
cloth and garments for common use were sold at the normal rates,
based on the production-cost principle 141 albeit this was not
the case with the superior qualities of cotton cloth, silks and
other luxurious wear for the aristocracy. There was usually a
heavy demand for such commodities in the capital and the labour
involved in their procurement from far off centres of specialised
production in Kashmir, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra and
Bengal, entailed heavy expenditure. These goods were, therefore,
sold at subsidised rates for the benefit of the aristocracy. 148
The Multani traders, who were experts' in cloth trade, were ad-
vanced, at one occasion, twenty lakhs of tankas as loan to bring
the costly stuff from various parts of the country and sell it in
Delhi at less than the procurement price. These traders, in a
way, acted simply as the commission agents for the government,
and all the losses in the transaction were met by the state exche-
quer. Such being the case, the purchase of these commodities
was rationed. Permits were issued by the rais parwana to the
aristocracy according to their status and purse for the purchase of
specified quantities of goods. Firishta states that the export of
finer qualities of cloth and silks from the capital was prohibited
in order to prevent the crafty businessmen from buying the stuff
from Delhi at a low price and selling it at higher rates elsewhere.
Firishta also has it on record that the people were not permitted
to wear superior garments and silks at home, except by special
permission from- the sultan, ‘which favour was only granted to
men of rank’. 143

The third set of regulations dealt with the sale and purchase
of live-stock— the horses and cattle, and the slaves. The superior
brands of horses, approved for the army, were divided into three
grades ; their prices were fixed at 100 to 120, 80 to 90 and 65

HI.

142.

The rates quoted by Barani:

chadar (ordinary bed sheets) : 10 jltals
long cloth, coarse, per 40 yards : 1 tanka (silver)
long cloth, fine, per 20 yards : 1 tanka
Firishta gives a price list of 15 different varieties of the fine doth and
silks; many of these names have been lost and hence uncomparable
the modern stuff; they included among others,

cheer, Delhi, per piece
cheer, Kotla, per pieee
sillahuti, fine, per piece
sillahuti, middling, per piece .,
kirpas, fine, per 20 yards

—(Briggs), I, p. 203.

1 6 tankas
: 6 tankas
: 4 tankas
: 3 tankas
: 1 tanka

143. ibid.

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

179

to 70 tankas for the first, second and third grade respectively.
An ordinary pony for common use could, however, be had from
12 to 20 tankas only. The government saw to it that the mer-
chants who brought quality horses from far off lands, should not
sell them to the local dealers wholesale, so that the latter might
not charge higher prices from individual customers through
second sales or by playing the role of middlemen ( dallals ). The
government issued permits to the local dealers and wealthy
persons for the purchase of quality horses ; the whole business
was transacted at the market, specified for the purpose, a perio-
dical review of which was held by the Sultan himself. Because
of their use in the armies, the horses were regarded much more
valuable than the homo sapiens ; therefore, inspite of the stern
measures adopted by the government, ‘many frauds were practised’
in the sale and purchase of horses. Firishta writes that a number
of horse dealers, who defied the government regulations, were
either put to death or whipped out of the capital. 144

The cattle— buffaloes, cows, oxen, camels, goats, sheep and
asses, in short, every domesticated animal, could be purchased
or sold only within the range of prices fixed by the government.
The Mamluk sultans of Delhi had brought with them the practice
of enslaving the prisoners of war. Alauddin’s reign was marked
by continuous wars for imperial conquests and the Mongol inva-
sions ; therefore, there was abundance of slaves, both male and
female, in the country who were sold and purchased at nominal
prices just like cattle. According to Barani, the price of a slave
girl was fixed at 5 to 12 tankas and that of a concubine at 20 to
40 tankas. A handsome young lad could be had for 20 to 30
tankas whereas the price of slave labourers varied from 10 to 15
tankas each. With the consumer’s goods and domestic labour
so cheap, a man of moderate means, say a horseman of Alauddin’s
army, could afford to enjoy a happy and comfortable life with
one to four legally married wives, a number of concubines and a
dozen of slave girls and slave labourers at his beck and call.

According to the traditional administrative set up, all the
general markets of the empire fell within the purview of the
diwan i riyasat—' the ministry of commerce’ ; the office of nazir—
‘the superintendent of weights and measures’ constituted a part of
it. Alauddin Khalji activated this ministry by the appointment
of Malik Yakub, the erstwhile nazir, to be the diw&n i riyasat ;
he was a man of honesty and integrity, though as an administra-
tor, he was notorious for severity and ruthlessness. All the shahnas
of the various markets, including Malik Qabul, the controller of
grain markets and the rais parwana, the incharge of the cloth
market of the capital, were put under his charge. Thus the
diwan i riyasat was made ultimately responsible for the successful

144. (Briggs’), I, p. 204.

180 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

implementation of the economic regulations throughout the
empire . 145 To add more dignity and authority to his exhaltcd
office, Yakub was also made the muhtasib— the censor of public
morals’. The statute provided severe punishments to those who
flouted the economic regulations ; Yakub cairied out these puni-
shments like a tyrant and struck terror in the hearts of all those
who dared to defy these regulations. All the slialmas were
supplied the price lists of major commodities as approved by the
central government, while they seem to have been authorised to
fix prices for the unspecified stuff, within their own areas of
jurisdiction, on the same pattern. They moved round the markets
with a body of horse and whipped the fraudulent shopkeepers
publicly. Malik Yakub created quite a stir in the markets of
the capital where he carried out repeated checks on all the
business transactions ; he did not spare the buyers or sellers,
Indian traders or the foreign caravan leaders, for the minutest
infringement of the law. The defaulters were kicked, struck
with blows and sticks and flogged in the thickest of the markets.
The Sultan himself took pains to check up. through his slave' boys
and maid servants that the shopkeepers did not cheat the poor’
‘ignorant people and children’ by giving them short weights ;
‘flesh was cut off from the haunches of those’ who resorted to
this practice. Barani gives a vivid description of this barabric
punishment being inflicted on the shopkeepers by the inspectors,
on the orders of the Sultan. He writes :

The certaintity of this punishment kept the traders honest,
and restrained them from giving short weight, and other
knavish tricks. Nay, they gave good weight that purchasers
often got somewhat in excess.

It is an irony of fate that the grand edifice of state-controlled
economy built by Alauddin Khalji on brute force tumbled down
like a house of cards with the disappearance of that masterly
hand ; the whole lot of economic regulations died with the
Sultan almost instantaneously, resulting in- the spread of utter
confusion and economic anarchy in the country.

An Estimate of Alauddin Khalji

Alauddin Khalji was by far the greatest among the sultans
of Delhi ; except Sher Shah Suri and Akbar, no Muslim ruler of

145. Barani’s reference to the economic regulations in Fatawa i Jahartdari sup-
plements the account given by him in the Tarlkh i Firoze Sham. He
writes:

The king should also know that every arrangement (naqsh)'m the matter
of buying and selling and price fixation, which he makes for ms capital
will also appear in ail his provinces. The officers and the ra iyyat 01
his country will accept it and follow it.

— Fatawa i Jahandari (Habib & Afsar), op. cit., p.36.

146. Barani, Tarikh, op. cit; p.197.

KHALJi IMPERIALISM

181

India stands comparison with him. As a man, he left much to
be desired, albeit he was a born fighter, brilliant general, successful
administrator and a far-sighted statesman. Courageous and
fearless, ambitious and resourceful, Alauddin transformed the
kingdom of Delhi into a mighty Indian empire by his sheer force
of character and military skill ; the credit for the penetration of
Muslim arms and plantation of Islamic faith and culture in the
south goes exclusively to him. He protected the sultanate as
well as the people.of India against the fury of the Mongols ; his
north-west frontier policy which has baffled many a government of
the medieval and modern times, proved extremely successful. He
struck terror in the hearts of the foreign invaders. A highly
self-willed man, with unscrupulous and aggressive temperament,
Alauddin stood like a rock in his determination ; extremely sensi-
tive and brisk in action, he never allowed the grass to grow
under his feet.

Though semi-literate, and possessed of a mere rule o’thumb
knowledge of things, Alauddin Khalji handled the administrative
problems with an air of professional competence. His economic
reforms, involving the fixation of prices, control of the markets
and rationing of the consumers’ goods, though not based on very
scientific principles, were a unique contribution, envisaged by
him far ahead of the times.

An excellent judge of human character, Alauddin had the
knack of selecting the right men for the right jobs and knew how
to get the maximum out of them. He established peace and
order in his dominions and provided much-needed security to his
subjects. He tamed the services, suppressed the bureaucratic evils
of indiscipline, corruption and bribery ; none but the most honest
and efficient officials had the chance of survival under the vigilent
eyes of the imperial reporters and spies.

Alauddin Khalji secularised politics and, in an attempt to
strengthen his autocratic rule, crippled the power of the nobility
and feudal aristocracy. He oppressed the high-ups but provided
great relief to the common man ; during his reign, the prices of
goods were low, the food stuffs and other necessaries of life
were available easily and in abundance. Hoarding, black-
marketing, and cheating by the business community, and exploita-
tion by the middlemen was heard of no more. The roads were
safe to travel, and the rule of law prevailed in every nook and
corner of the sultanate. Alauddin’s wealth and military prowess
were never equalled by any other ruler of India during the early
medieval period ; the sultanate never flourished so much as in
his reign

In certain matters of land reforms, military organisaxion and
socio-economic policies, Alauddin Khalji anticipated Sher Shah

182

advanced study in the history of MEDIEVAL INDIA

Suri ; his administrative set np carried the seeds of a progressive
and secular state, which, given the peace and stability for two
or three generations more, could have ushered in an era of peace
and prosperity, and advanced the progress of the country by at
least two centuries.

But this was not to be. Alauddin Khalji was not an inno-
vator in the field of administration ; he took personal interest in
the administrative affairs and made the government click, albeit
he was not a genius like Sher Shah Suri and Akbar who could
effect structural changes in the civil administration in order to
make it more stable and enduring. His was an autocratic rule,
in which all the strings of state power and policy were concen-
trated in his own hands ; its successful functioning depended
entirely on the physical and mental health of the Sultan. The
year 1312 marked the zenith of his power and glory ; the Sultan
was at the helm of affairs, maintained his balance of mind and
held a firm grip over the machinery of the state. Thereafter, he
began to show marked deterioration in his physique and in the
sharpness of his intellect. To his great misfortune, he had neglec-
ied the education and training of his children, none of whom
was competent enough to give him a helping hand in piloting the
ship of the state while he was still alive, and shoulder the respon-
sibilities of governing such a mighty empire after his death as
his worthy successor. With the advancement of his age, he
became infirm and ill-tempered. The cunning fox of his youthful
days, Alauddin fell a victim to his own unscrupulous and suspici-
ous nature ; he did not trust his old, experienced and faithful
officers ; so much so, he mistrusted even the malika ijahart and
his own children. He, therefore, failed to utilise their individual
or collective services for the long-range benefit of the state.
There was no dearth of talent and goodwill to uphold the honour,
dignity, integrity and stability of the state. A galaxy of brilliant
administrators, military generals and public men were at bis
beck and call ; nevertheless, the Sultan simply failed to call them
to his aid when it was most needed. Instead, relying too much
on his personal whims and, plagued by his defective judgement,
he paid scant regard to them, ill-treated them and brushed them
aside so that none dared to come forward with a sober advice to
the sultan. Nature had, however, pre-ordained that such a faithless
and selfish man should ultimately bring about his own fall and the
ruin of his family as well as the empire at the hands of one of his
own creatures ; it was Malik Kafur who was to play this inglorious
role. As a matter of fact, Alauddin’s personal attachment to
Malik Kafur and his ill-treatment of the chief queen and the
children, including the crown prince, amounted to a performance
totally unworthy of a great sovereign, for which the Sultan had to
pay very heavily. He fell seriously ill when Kafur had gone away
to Devagiri to suppress the revolt of Singhanadeva. Because of
the ill-temper of the Sultan, his chief queen and Khizer Khan,
the crown prince, neglected him ; perhaps they did not dare to be

KHALJI IMPERIALISM

183 .

in constant attendance upon him. Malik Kafur at Devagiri and
at Gujarat received the distress calls from the sultan; Alp Khan
hastened to the capital while Malik Kafur marked his time and
returned after some hesitation. By this time, the Sultan had been
totally incapicitated from attending to the active business of
the state ; he left the reigns of government in the hands of
Malik Kafur as the prime minister (wazir) as well as the deputy
sultan ( malik naib). It afforded an opportunity to Malik Kafur
to play the role of a king maker and devise sinister plans
to extirpate the royal line. The Sultan ‘blindly supported him
in every impolitic and tyrannical measure’. 147 Kafur poisoned
the ears of Alauddin against malika i jahan ; he charged that the
chief queen and her accomplices, including Alp Khan, had cons-
pired against the sultan’s life. Much against his will, the ailing
sultan was compelled to issue orders for the imprisonment of
his two sons Khizer Khan and Shadi Khan in the fort of Gwalior
while their mother, the malika i jahan, was made captive in the
old fort of Delhi. Alp Khan and his younger brother Nizamuddin
were put to death through the treachery of Kafur. These un-
happy developments disgusted the nobles and spread panic and
discontent among the people. The Rajputs of Chittor turned out
the imperial armies from their territories and asserted their
independence. The murder of Alp Khan triggered a revolt in
Gujarat ; the rebels gave a crushing defeat to the imperial army
which was sent there to restore law and order. Harpala Deva,
the son-in-law of the deceased Raja Ram Chandra Deva of
Devagiri stirred up the people of the south to arms against the
Khalji imperialism ; a number of Muslim garrisons were expelled
by the rebels from the Deccan. When Alauddin Khalji was
apprised of the situation, *he went almost mad, fretted and
fumed and ‘bit his own flesh with fury’. His grief and rage only
tended to aggravate his illness ‘which seemed to resist the power
of medicine’ 148 He breathed his last sometime in January 1316;
a day before his death, he had physically collapsed and lay un-
conscious with his red tongue stuck up between his swollen
cheeks ; there is a great likelihood that he had been administered
a slow poison by his ungrateful slave, Malik Kafur.

End of the Khalji Dynasty

Malik Kafur intended to usurp the throne. He brushed aside
the claims of about half a dozen grown-up children of Alauddin
and placed Shjhabuddin Umar, a six-year old son of the deceased
Sultan from his Maratha wife (the daughter of Ram Chandra
Deva of Devagiri) on the throne; he himself became the de facto
ruler in his capacity as the regent. As if to add insult to the
injury, Kafur married the mother of the infant sultan though it

147. Firishta (Briggs), I, p. 216.

148. ibid., p.219.

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

124

was universally known that he was an eunuch. He began to exer-
cise the imperial powers arrogantly, and ‘with all the excesses’
of the late Sultan Alauddin. Khizer Khan and Shadi Khan were
blinded and kept in confinement along with their mother, the
ex-malika ijahan , in the fort of Gwalior; Mubarak Khan, another
youthful son of Alauddin was also imprisoned in the fort of
Siri (Delhi). Kafur’s wickedness tempted him ‘to remove all
the children and wives of the late sultan, all the nobles and slaves
who had claims upon the throne, and to fill their places with
creatures of his own’. 149 Though a capable and experienced
administrator, he alienated the Alai nobles by his tyrannical and
'unbecoming’ conduct. He hired a few paiks — the slave guards
(foot-soldiers) of the late sultan, to take out the eyes of Mubarak
Khan, but the latter won over their sympathies by a compassionate
appeal from within his prison. Therefore, instead of blinding
the prince, they pounced upon Malik Kafur in his sleeping
apartment at the dead of night and did a short work of him. This
incident took place thirty-five days after the death of Alauddin
Kltalji. 150

The death of Malik Kafur sent a wave of jubilation and re-
lief among the Alai nobles and the populace of Delhi. Prince
Mubarak Khan was liberated and asked to take charge of the
government as regent on behalf of the child Sultan Shihabuddin
,Umar. Mubarak Khan conducted himself with caution and dig-
nity and won over the confidence of the Alai nobles. Accordingly,
after about two months of regency, he was installed the Sultan
with the title of Qutubuddin Mubarak Shah; at that time, he was
seventeen or eighteen years old. His coronation was celebrated
with great pomp and show amidst the rejoicings of people.
Shihabuddin was placed in confinement at Gwalior.

Mubarak Shah ruled for about four years (1316-20), the first
two years of his reign were quite eventful. The severe penal code
of Alauddin Khalji was relaxed and the economic regulations
scrapped. Jagir system was revived.. The old grandees of the
empire rallied round the young Sultan and helped him in the res-
toration of law and order though for a short while. Gujarat
was recovered from the hands of the rebels (1316 a d.). Harpala
Deva was defeated, taken captive and flayed alive (1318); the
kingdom of Devagiri was declared annexed to the sultanate and
placed under a Muslim governor.

As luck would have it, the things began to take a turn for
the worse soon afterwards. The liberal policy, adopted .initially
by Mubarak Shah to win the sympathies of some, produced
adverse effects on the state administration in the long run. The

149. Rarani, Tarikh, op. c/7; p. 209.

150. ibid., p. 210.

KHALlI imperialism

185

prices of goods shot up, the business community reasserted itself
and threw the entire state economy out of gear; the bureaucracy
became corrupt and irresponsible, and the nobles began to show
signs of arrogance and disaffection. Ignorant of the intricacies
of administration, Mubarak Shah turned out to be an incapable
and weak ruler. The men of low tastes and loose morals clustered
around him as his favourities and exploited his royal position and
purse for the fulfilment of their base desires; they gradually
dragged the young Sultan into an ease- loving life of sensual
pleasures and debauchery. Some of them received promotions to
the high ranks; they mismanaged the affairs and, instead of
adding to the strength of the Sultan, earned the displeasure of
the old nobles. The Sultan showered special favours on one of
his slave boys, Khusrau Khan, a Hindu convert, with whom he
bad developed compromising personal relations; 151 he was raised
to the status of the wazir, malik naib as well as the commander
in chief. The sultan left the entire work of government in the
hands of Khusrau Khan and ‘gave himself up entirely to wine,
revelry and lust’ 162 ; Khusrau Khan deliberately pushed him into
a life of dissipation. Mubarak Shah overthrew all decency and
royal dignity to the winds and sometimes appeared in the court
in a state of drunkenness, accompanied by the dancing girls and
vulgar slave boys who misbehaved with the courtiers and put
everyone to shame. It shocked the well-wishers of the throne
and spread wide discontent among the nobility. A couple of
revolts by the disaffected nobles were suppressed, albeit \ the dis-
covery of a conspiracy to kill the sultan swung him into violent
action against his own people. The conspirators, their associates
and children were all put to death. Khizer Khan, Shadi Khan,
Shihabuddin Umar and other princes of the royal blood were
murdered in cold blood; Mubarak Shah did not spare even his
own father-in-law, Zafar Khan who was liquidated on a mere
suspicion. By his foolhardy and atrocious conduct, the Sultan
deprived himself of his own well-wishers, lost goodwill and con-
fidence of the nobility, and placed himself entirely at the mercy
of his creature —the malik naib Khusrau Khan. The latter
treacherously put his master to death on April 20, 1320 and
brought the imperial line of Alauddin Khalji to an inglorious end.
He ascended the throne with the title of Nasiruddin Khusrau
Shah.

Khusrau Shah, in order to strengthen his claim to the throne,
put all the surviving male members of Alauddin’s family to
death. He let loose a reign of terror to overawe the nobility into
submission but met with a rebuff from the provincial governors.

151. Barani writes that Sultan Mubarak Shah’s infatuation for this infamous
and traitorous Parwari (a iow caste Rajput) exceeded that of Alauddin
for Malik Naib Kafur’.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; op. cie, p. 215.

152. Firishta (Briggs), I, p. 221

186

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Ghazi Malik (later Ghiasuddin Tughluq, the founder of the Tugh-
luq dynasty), the governor of Dipalpur (Punjab) refused to recog-
nise him as the sultan, and rallied all the disaffected nobles
under his banner. He marched upon Delhi to avenge the wrong
done to the Alai family; Khusrau Shah was defeated and killed
on September 6,1320; his reign lasted four months and a half.
Thus within five years of Alauddin’s death, all of his descendants,
kinsmen and their associates were wiped out from the face of the
earth.

7

Tughluq Dynasty

1: Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah
(1320—1325)

Ghazi Malik ascended the throne of Delhi in September 1320,
styled as Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq Shah, and laid the founda-
tions of what came to be known as the Tughluq dynasty. The
word Tughluq is of obscure origin; it was not the name of any
clan or tribe. According to Firishta, the father of Ghazi Malik
was a Turkish slave of Ghiasuddin Balban; his personal name
yvas ‘Qutlugh’ which was ‘vulgarised’ into ‘Tughluq’. 1 2 Ibn
Battuta informs us that Tughluq belonged to the Qarauna tribe
of the Turks who lived in the mountainous region, lying between
Sind and Turkistan. 3 * * * It has been established that the term
‘Qarauna’ was used, during that age, for the people of a mixed
race — the descendants of Mongol or Turkish fathers and non-
Turkish mothers. 8

Nothing is known about the life history of Tughluq except
that he had married a Jat woman from the vicinity of Lahore,
and that they had three sons— Ghazi Tughluq, Rajab and Abu
Bakr. Ghazi Tughluq started his career as an ordinary trooper
during the reign of Jalaluddin Khalji. He was on the personal
staff of Ulugh Khan, the younger brother of Sultan Alauddin
Khalji. He served his master in Sind and Multan and won

1. John Briggs, History of the Rise of the Mohamedan Power in India Till the
Year A.D. 1612; Translated from the Original Persian of Mahomed Kasim
Ferishta; 4 vols; (London, 1829), Indian reprint, Calcutta, 1966; I, pp.
229-30.

2. Mahdi Husain, The Rehla of Ibn Battuta (India, Maidive Islands and
Ceylon), — Translation and Commentary; Baroda, 1953; p. 47.

3. For details refer to:

Mahdi Husain, Tughluq Dynasty (Containing a revised and enlarged edi-

tion of the Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughluq), Calcutta, 1963; pp. 57-

GO; & Comp. HI, V, p. 461.

188

ADVANCED stud* in the history OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

recognition for his martial qualities during the siege of Rantham-
bhor; he was promoted ‘master of the hoise’ ( amir ul khail).

After the death of Ulugh Khan, Ghazi Tughluq was taken on
the imperial cadre; he won a name for himself in the fight against
the Mongols and received appointment as governor of Multan and
‘warden of the marches’, ibn Battuta says that he had seen an
inscription in the yawn masjid of Multan, constructed by Ghazi
Malik; which recorded:

I have fought twenty-nine battles with the Tatars (Mongols)

and have defeated them. Hence I have been named Malik

ul Ghazi. 4

At the time of Alauddin’s death, Ghazi Malik was governor of
Dipalpur. He was one of the most experienced and reputed Alai
nobles albeit he kept himself aloof from the politics of the im-
perial court and stuck to his post as faithful servant of the crown
irrespective of who wielded power in Delhi. He rendered some
diplomatic service to Sultan Qutubuddin Mubarak Shah by
persuading another prominent Alai noble Ainul Mulk Multani to
obey the young sultan and proceed to Gujarat as its governor.
Ghazi Malik was shocked, however, to hear of the cold-blooded
murder of Mubarak Shah and the extirpation of the Alai princes.
He refused to recognise Khusrau Khan as the sultan and
called upon all the old guards to take up arms against the usurper.
Ghazi Malik’s son Jauna Khan (later Sultan Muhammad bin
Tughluq), who held the office of the ‘master of the horse’
(amir ul khait) in Delhi since the days of Mubarak Shah, fled to
Dipalpur and so did a couple of other nobles. Ghazi Malik led
an attack upon Delhi; the royal army commanded by Hisamud-
din, a half-brother of Khusrau Khan, was routed at Sirsa while
Khusrau Khan himself was defeated in a pitched battle fought
near Indraprastha. He fled the battle-field and hid himself in a
garden of the capital’s suburbs but was taken captive and be-
headed. Ghazi Malik made a triumphant entry into the capital
on September 6, 1320 and offered the throne to the surviving male
member of the Alai family, if any. As no male descendant of
Alauddin Khalji had been left alive, the victorious nobles unani-
mously selected Ghazi Malik to be their king. lie was coronated
on September 7 or 8 amidst great rejoicings of the people.

Domestic Policy

The grandees of the sultanate readily acknowledged Ghias-
suddin Tughluq’s authority. Advanced in age, the Sultan proved
a capable and sagacious ruler who took up the task of adminis-
tration with enthusiasm and a sense of responsibility. According
to the tradition, he reconstituted the court and the ministry by

4. Ibn Battuta, The Rchla (Mahdi Husain}, op. cit; p, 48.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

189

inducting his friends and relations therein; nevertheless he took
care to accommodate all the competent and trustworthy nobles
by assigning them offices of dignity and status. A few close
associates of Khusrau Khan and those who were actually involved
in the murder and humiliation of members of the Alai family,
were punished; albeit the sultan refrained from taking any action
against those who had simply tolerated the regime of Khusrau
Khan and cooperated with him in the management of the state
affairs. Most of the nobles were confirmed in their old assign-
ments. The new entrants included Malik Shadi Khan, the son-
in-law of Sultan Ghiasuddin, who was put in charge of the
diwan i wazarat. Two nephews of the sultan, Malik Asaduddin
and Malik Bahauddin, became the naib barbek— the deputy
grand usher’, and arz i mamalik — ‘minister of the army’ respec-
tively. A distinguished Alai noble Bahram Aiba was officially
addressed as ‘brother of the sultan’, 5 given the title of Kishlu
Khan and appointed governor of Multan and Sind. Malik Tajud-
din Jafar was made naib i arz — ‘the deputy minister of the army’
and entrusted' with the governorship of Gujarat. Kamaluddin,
the qazi ul quz.at (chief justice) was confirmed in his old office
and conferred the title of sadr i jahan. Shamasuddin received
appointment as the qazi of Delhi while Malik Burhanuddin
was made kotwal of Delhi with the title of alim ul mulk. The
five sons of Sultan Ghiasuddin did not receive any specific admi-
nistrative assignments all at once but were accorded high-sounding
titles and dignified status at the court ; his eldest son Fakhruddin
Muhammad Jauna Khan was conferred the title of Ulugh Khan,
and the other princes became known as Bahram Khan, Zafar
Khan, Mahmud Khan and Nusrat Khan. Ulugh Khan was
declared heir apparent to the throne soon afterwards.

Tims flanked by the best available talent and promising youth
of his family, Ghiasuddin set the machinery of central govern-
ment in motion within a week of his accession to the throne.
He declared all the surviving ladies of the Alai family to be under
royal protection : the young girls were married to high officials
of integrity while the old women were granted adequate pensions.
All those who had suffered because of court intrigues and rapid
change of regimes, were suitably compensated and rehabilitated.
The jagir system, as revived by Mubarak Shah, was perpetuated,
and even those, who had suffered the confiscation of their lands
during the reign of Alauddin Khalji, were given back their estates.

The police administration was reorganised ; the provincial
governors were issued instructions to bring the areas allocated to
them under their effective control and report the general law and
order situation to the centre. The department of justice was
strengthened by deputing a number of ulama to take charge as qazis

5. Ghiasuddin's real brothers, Rajah and Abu Bakr, had died before he

became the sultan.

lyu ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

at important towns. A code of law for the civil government
was drafted ; it was ‘founded upon the Koran, and consistent with
the ancient usages of the Delhi monarchy ’. 6 Physical torture in
case of economic offences and recovery of debts was given up.
The discipline, efficiency and integrity of the services of Alauddin’s
days could not be restored ; nevertheless, Ghiasuddin improved
the general tone of administration by imparting to it a bit of
soldier’s touch, and the police and judicial arrangements made by
him won applause from all quarters. The Sultan recovered a
part of the royal treasure which had been distributed by Khusrau
Khan to the leading nobles and aristocracy or plundered by the
people ; it led to the estrangement of his relations with Sheikh
Nizamuddin Auliya, the most celebrated and influential Sufi
saint of the times, who had also received a sum of five lakh tankas
from Khusrau Khan but refused to return it to the exchequer
on the ground that he had already given it away in charity.

The sudden collapse of Alauddin’s economic regulations had
adverse effects on agricultural production and public economy.
Ghiasuddin Tughluq attempted to restore economic order and
increase agricultural production in his own way. The progressive
land revenue system, initiated .by Alauddin Khalji, was given a
formal burial when Ghiasuddin discarded the measurement of
land as the basis for the assessment of government demand. The
extensive revenue establishment of the Alai regime was simply
unintelligible to him ; its staff was reduced and survey of land be-
came ‘a forgotten story’. Nevertheless, Ghiasuddin Tughluq took
keen interest in the extension of agriculture by encouraging the
cultivators to bring the unreclaimed lands under the plough and
re-populate the deserted villages. The state demand was reduced
and a principle laid that the land revenue should not be en-
hanced ‘whether upon the reports of informers or the statements
of valuers’ by more than one-eleventh of the estimated produce
at a time. The Sultan was conscious of the fact that

countries are ruined, and are kept in poverty by excessive
taxation and the exorbitant demands of kings . 7

The oppressive methods adopted by Alauddin Khalji for the
collection of revenue were given up ; on the other hand, the
revenue officials were issued the instructions that

The revenue should be collected in such a way that the
raivats should increase their cultivation ; that the lands al-
ready in cultivation might be kept so, and some little be added
to them e\er> year. So much was not to be exacted at once
that the cultivation should fall off and no increase be made
in future. s

6. Firishta (Briggs), I, p

7. Banni, Turikh i Fiirr-j Shahi: p. 230.

S . ibid.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

J 91

Ghiasuddin Tughluq took interest in the construction of
canals for irrigation ; the peasants were given relief in times of
drought. The sympathetic attitude of the Sultan towards the culti-
vators helped in the rehabilitation of the countryside and increased
the agricultural production. The Sultan improved the means
of communication by clearing and levelling the roads which had
been neglected since the death of Alauddin Khalji : he revived
the postal services of Alauddin Khalji’s regime, repaired the Torts,
constructed biidges, laid out gardens and initiated other works
of public utility. All these measures restored the credit of the
government among the people and ‘inspired’ Amir Khusrau to
sing the praise of Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq in the following
words :

He never did anything that was not replete
with wisdom and sense ;

He might be said to wear a hundred doctors’
hoods under his crown. 9

Foreign Policy

The vast empire of Alauddin Khalji had shown signs of disin-
tegration during the closing days of his reign ; its outlying
provinces and the vassal Hindu chiefs revolted with degrees of
results, under his weak successors. Ghiasuddin Tughluq, being
a capable military general, made up his mind to get back
as much of the lost territories into the fold of the sultanate
as possible. In 1321, the crown prince Jauna Khan, now styled
Ulugh Khan, led an army to subjugate Pratap Rudra Deva II of
Telinga who had stopped the payment of tribute to Delhi
after the death of Alauddin. The fort of Warrangal was besieged.
The rai was hard-pressed to offer submission on the old terms,
albeit Jauna Khan demanded unconditional surrender and
pressed the siege with full force. As luck would have it, the
guerilla fighters of Telingana cut off the communications of
the imperial army with Delhi. The ‘want of intelligence from
the court’ and the intrigues of some malicious camp-followers of
Jauna Khan, who intended to harm the interests of the crown
prince, led to the spread of false rumours among the troops,
including the one about the death of Sultan Ghiasuddin
Tughluq. Faced with desertions from the rank and file, and
harassed by the fighters of Telingana, Jauna Khan retreated to
Devagiri with heavy losses in men and material. He came to
know of the true picture while at Devagiri and rushed to the
capital to offer apologies to the sultan. The prince was pardoned
and the mischief-mongers and traitors from among his associates,
primarily responsible for this debacle, were beheaded.

9. Quoted by Barani, ibid

Amir Khusrau received a pension of 1,000 tankas per mensem from Sultan
Ghiasuddin Tughluq; both of them died in 1 325.

192

advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

The second expedition to Telingana was led by Jauna Khan
after considerable preparations in 1323 via Bihar. A part of
Bihar was annexed ett route to the fort of Warrangal, which was
besieged once again. The rai, after a brief resistance, laid
down arms ; he was sent with his family to Delhi and his kingdom
declared annexed to the sultanate. The city of Warrangal, now
named as Sultanpur, was made a provincial capital while the
territory of Telingana was parcelled out into small districts and
distributed among the Turkish nobles. On his way back to Delhi,
Jauna Khan attacked and subjugated the Hindu principality of
Utkala (Jajnagar of the Muslim chroniclers) in Orissa, and
returned to the capital with many war elephants and a huge booty.

The imperial army had not yet returned from the south after
the conquest of Telingana when the intelligence was received
about the appearance of Mongols on the Indus. Malik Shadi was
sent with a royal army to reinforce the border contingents at
Samana. The Mongols were defeated and annihilated in two
separate actions and their leaders brought in chains to Delhi. Ob-
viously this success was made possible because of the vigilent and
highly efficient military organisation and mobility of the royal ca-
valry. It bespeaks of the excellent contribution made by Ghiasuddin
towards the reorganisation of the royal army within a couple of
years so that it could effectively pursue the twofold task of
annexations and the defence of the north-west frontier against
foreign invasions simultaneously. Ghiasuddin followed in the
footprints of Alauddin Khalji in this regard ; he enforced strong
discipline among the soldiers and kept them fighting fit, their
descriptive rolls being taken and horses branded regularly.

After the repulsion of the Mongol invasion, Malik Shadi was
despatched , for the conquest of Gujarat which had been totally
cut off from Delhi' after the murder of Sultan Mubarak Shah
Khalji. Malik Shadi failed in this enterprise and was murdered
by the rebels through a stratagem ; the imperial army returned
to the capital empty-handed. The untimely death of his son-in-
law, a brilliant administrator and military officer, shocked the
Sultan but did not dishearten him in the pursuit of his imperial
policy. About this time, he made up his mind to intervene in
the affairs of Bengal which had become independent under
Bughra Khan, the second son of Balban ; Lakhnauti was his
seat of governance. Alauddin Khalji had not been able to extend
his control over Bengal. Its ruler Shamasuddin Firoze Shah, a
descendant of Bughra Khan, died in 1322, leaving behind four
sons who indulged in a fratricidal war for the occupation of the
throne. One of them, Nasiruddin, appealed to Delhi for help
against his own brother, also named Ghiasuddin Bahadur, who
was in occupation of Lakhnauti. It was too big a temptation to
be spurned ; the sultan left Delhi in the charge of a council of
regency, headed by the crown prince, and himself marched upon

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

193

Bengal with a magnificient army, the kind of which he had never
led before in any expedition. He was joined by the fugitive
Bengali prince Nasiruddin near Tirhut (Mithila). The sultan
ordered his second son Bahram Khan to launch an attack on
Lakhnauti with the assistance of Nasiruddin. Lakhnauti was
conquered and its ruler Ghiasuddin taken prisoner. Thereafter,
the whole of Bengal was overrun by the imperial army.
Nasiruddin was installed. at Lakhnauti as a vassal chief while the
eastern part of Bengal was annexed to the sultanate. The con-
quest of Bengal was a great military achievement of Sultan
Ghiasuddin Tughluq, who did one better than even Alauddin
Khalji on the eastern front.

The crown prince Jauna Khan held a grand reception for the
monarch at Afghanpur in the vicinity of Delhi on the triumphant
return of the imperial army from Bengal. The wooden pavilion
under which the Sultan was received and entertained to a gala
party, collapsed suddenly when the elephants, brought from
Bengal as trophies of war, marched past the venue ; and the
sultan, along with five or six other dignitaries including prince
Mahmud Khan, were crushed to death under the debris. On the
testimony of Ibn Battuta, some hold the crown prince guilty of
a conspiracy to kill his father *, they argue that the buil-
ding was so designed as to fall when touched in a certain
part by the elephants. Barani and Firishta, however, opine that
the fall of the pavilion was a mere accident.

Ghiasuddin Tughluq was a saviour of the Turkish sultanate
of Delhi, then imperial government of India, so laboriously
carved out by Alauddin Khalji by the forcible integration of the
tribal and regional states . Ghiasuddin gave a new lease of life to
it and founded the second and the last Turkish imperial dynasty
of early medieval India after the Khaljis. He was a successful
ruler who restored law and order and won the confidence of the
aristocracy and the masses by his moderate yet firm administrative
policies. He generated liberal tendencies in civil administration
and worked sincerely for the happiness and prosperity of his
subjects according to the religious and moral standards of his
times. A man of character and integrity, he was free from all
the princely vices of his age ; he abstained from sensual pleasures
and performed his royal functions with a sense of duty.

A comparison is sometimes made between Jalaluddin Khalji
and Ghiasuddin Tughluq, the founders of the two greatest Turkish
dynasties of early medieval India. Both of them were called upon
to protect the sultanate from threatened disintegration at the
decline of the preceding ruling houses. Both of them belonged
to the category of unprivileged Muslims and rose by dint of hard
work and merit. They were advanced in age when they volunta-
rily responded to the call of times ; both of them bad rendered
commendable service to the earlier regimes, particularly as

194

advanced study in the history of MEDIEVAL INDIA

wardens of the marches. Both of them were seasoned soldiers
and had many brilliant victories to their credit. None of them
was ambitious or power-hungry ; each of them ruled with mode-
ration and strove for the happiness and welfare of his subjects
They ruled for about five years each and both of them died an
unnatural death. Inspite of all these points of similarity between
the two, Ghiasuddin Tughluq stands head and shoulders above
Jalaluddin Khalji as conqueror, empire-builder and administrator.
Ghiasuddin was full of energy and enthusiasm when he undertook
the task of governance ; his period of rule was strong, virile,
eventful and memorable, before which the weak, imbecile and
supine reign of Jalaluddin Khalji pales into insignificance.

2: Muhammad bin Tughluq
(1325—1351)

Fakhruddin Muhammad Jauna Khan, the eldest son of
Ghiasuddin Tughluq, ascended the throne at Tughluqabad— the
fortified residence of his deceased father and ‘the third city of
Delhi ’, 10 without any opposition. He proceeded from Tughluqa-
bad to old Delhi forty days later and his coronation ceremony
was held amidst great rejoicings at the ‘red palace’ of Balban
which had been renovated by the orders of the new sultan. His
accession was hailed by all .the people, high and low, Hindus
as well as Muslims, who ‘invoked blessings’ on him and ‘sang
his praises ’. 11 He ruled for twenty-six years.

Muhammad bin Tughluq was the most highly educated of all
the preceding sultans of Delhi. A scholar of Persian and Arabic,
he was well-read in the subjects of astronomy, philosophy, mathe-
matics, medicine and logic. He knew by heart a great deal of
Persian poetry, understood it well and, in his conversation, frequ-
ently quoted Persian verses ; he was a good calligraphist too . 11

10. The ‘slave’ sultans constructed 'the first city of Delhi (Dilli) with Qutub
Minar as its nucleus; Alauddin Khalji built ‘the second city’ at Siri, which
stood to the east of the Qutub complex. Ghiasuddin Tughluq constructed
a well-protected fort-like township ‘Tughluqabad’ to accommodate royal
palaces, central secretariat and the treasury; it constituted ‘the third city
of Delhi’. — Refer to Gordon Hearn, The Seven Cities of Delhi, London,
1906

11. For detailed study refer to Mahdi Husain, The Rise oml Fall of Muhammad
bin Tughluq; London, 1938; & Tughluq Dynasty, op.ch. Also, Ishwari Trasad,
History of the Qnrawmh Turks', Allahabad, 1936.

12. Barani writes:

The excellence of his handwriting, the case of his composition, the
sublimity of his style, and the play of his fancy, left the most accomp-
lished teachers and professors far behind . . , No learned or Scientific
man or scribe, or poet, or wit, or physician, could have had the pre-
sumption to argue with him about his own special pursuit, nor would

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

195

Being the son of a ‘warden of the marches’, Muhammad bin
Tughluq had received excellent military training ; he started his
career as a soldier.- He was promoted ‘master of the horse’ by
Sultan Mubarak Shah Khalji and confirmed in the assignment by
Khusrau Shah, albeit he deserted the latter and joined hands
with his father in bringing about the fall of Khusrau Shah. As
crown prince, with the exalted title of Ulugh Khan, he led the
imperial forces to Telingana and, in the second attempt, not only
humbled its ruler but also annexed the kingdom of Warrangal to
the sultanate. His ambitions soared high when he ascended the
throne and the people also expected great things from him as a
monarch for he was ‘not less famous for his gallantry in the
field than for those accomplishments which render a man the
ornament of private society ’. 13 He was a man of high moral
character and led an austere life like his illustrious father ; a Sunni
MuscAman, he was regular at his daily prayers and abstained
from drinking in public.

The reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq started with everything
in his favour. He succeeded a capable monarch who had enjoyed
the confidence of his people. He inherited a vast empire from
his illustrious father, to the consolidation of which, he had perso-
nally made substantial contribution. Peace and tranquillity
prevailed in the sultanate, the distant provinces were under the
effective control of the centre, and the royal treasury was full to
the brim. With these assets, the youthful and energetic monarch
was expected to do better than the earlier sultans of Delhi.
Muhammad bin Tughluq was fully conscious of the supreme
powers and resources wielded by him ; he was rather over con-
. fident of his capabilities to make use ot these as a sovereign. He
was an abstract thinker and an innovator in the field of state
polity albeit he was an idealist, and not a practical statesman ;
therefore, the radical changes brought about by him in the state
policy foundered against the rocks of improbability. Like
Alauddin Khalji, he was a great imperialist who was eager to
extend his sway over the whole of the Indian subcontinent: He
believed in the geopolitical entity of India and the oneness of
its people ; and had a clear concept about the political unity of
the country. He wanted to break the barriers between the North
and the South, and stood for the extension of direct administra-
tive control of the central government over all parts of India by
eliminating the regional states and feudal principalities. He threw
open higher services to all the Indians on merit and did not discri-
minate between the Hindus and the Muslims in matters of state
policy. In his political outlook, Muhammad bin Tughluq was

he have been able to maintain his position against the throttling argu-
ments of the sultan.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahv, op, cit‘, p. 236.

13. Firishfa (Briggs), I, p. 236.

196

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

unique among the sultans of Delhi : he was definitely a man with
ideas far ahead of his times.

Accordingly, Muhammad bin Tughluq has been ‘represented
by contemporaries as one of the wonders cf the age in which he
lived ’. 14 Of all the sultans of Delhi, he is perhaps the most
grossly misunderstood monarch. It is a pity that we possess no
official records of his reign, and the only source of true informa-
tion, his autobiography, is meagre and insufficient. His lofty
designs and his ambitious projects were beyond the comprehension
of the bureaucracy as well as the subjects. Barani, Ibn Battuta
and Isami could not understand him either ; no wonder, they
took a prejudiced view of his character and administrative
policies. Barani was, in fact, so much obsessed with the ‘five
ambitious projects’ of Muhammad bin Tughluq that he did not
care to give a systematic narrative of his reign in chronological
order . 15 Again, instead of tracing the genesis of these projects
and giving the analysis of the causes leading to their failure, he
dwells on their disastrous effects by giving an exaggerated
account of the sufferings of the people and the ruthless persecu-
tions of the sultan. So also is the case with the chronicles of
Ibn Battuta and Isami. Their record of Muhammad bin
Tughluq has, therefore, to be reviewed very carefully.

The Mongol Invasion

Muhammad bin Tughluq’s reign synchronises with the re-
appearance of Mongols on the Indian borders. Alauddin
Tarmashirin, the Chaghatai ruler of Transoxiana, invaded Sind
in the beginning of his reign, before his ‘government was settled’.
On the receipt of intelligence from Multan, the Sultan, made
prompt arrangements for the defence of the kingdom and the
entire region from Delhi to the salt range was transformed into
an army camp. According to Isami, the Mongols were defeated
and repulsed, ' though Firishta says they, were bought off.
Tarmashirin and his followers had entered the fold of Islam ;
Ibn Battuta, before his arrival in Delhi, had stayed at the court
of the Chaghatai chief at Bukhara for about two months. This
was the first and the last foreign invasion that India faced during
the reign of Muhammad bin Taghluq.

The sultan moved upto Lahore and despatched the royal
forces to liberate the frontier region from the hands of the

14. Firishta (Briggs), I, p. 236.

15. Barani was the most competent man to give a truthful account of Muham-
mad bin Tughluq’s reign: he correctly claims:

If I were to write a full account of all the affairs of his rcifm. a nc ^ ®
all that passed, with his faults and shortcomings, 1 should fill many
volumes.

— Tarikh i Firoze Slmhi: p. 236.

Unfortunately, he did not do so.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY 197

Mongols. The border towns of Kalanaur and Farasbur (Peshwar)
were occupied and garrisoned by the state troops.

Early Revolts

Bahauddin Gurshasp, governor of Sagar, raised a standard of
revolt in 1326-27 ; he was an ambitious cousin of Muhammad
bin Tughluq (a sister’s son of Ghiasuddin Tughluq) who wielded
considerable influence in the South. The Sultan sent an army
under the command of Ahmad Ayaz, entitled khwaja i jahan, to deal
with the rebel, and himself proceeded to Devagiri so as to exert
pressure on the neighbouring chieftains and governors. Gurshasp
was defeated in an encounter, which took place somewhere to
the south of the Godavari river, and took shelter with the Hindu
rai of Kampila. 16 The fort of Kampila was conquered by the
imperial army after two months’ siege, albeit the rai and Gurshasp
escaped and were given a hot chase by the royal contingents. The
rai fell fighting at Anegundi (Husdarg) while Gurshasp was
captured by another Hindu chieftain who professed loyalty to
Delhi. He was brought in chains to the Sultan who ordered him
to be flayed alive. The eleven sons of the rai of Kampila em-
braced Islam and were taken under royal protection ; some of
them joined the imperial service.

While at Devagiri, the Sultan' was told that Nag Nayak, the
Rana of Kondhana (mod. Singhgarh, near Poona) did not pay
tribute to Delhi. On his orders, the fortress was besieged by a
contingent of the royal army ; it was defended gallantly by the
Rana and the siege lasted about eight months. The Rana ulti-
mately submitted and was allowed to retain his estate as an
imperial vassal.

Muhammad bin Tughluq was celebrating the victory of
Kondhana at Devagiri when he received the intelligence about the
rebellious intentions of Bahram Aiba, entitled Kishlu Khan, the
viceroy of Multan, Uch and Sind. He had expressed resentment
against the inhuman and disgraceful treatment meted out to
Gurshasp and his associates. The Sultan rushed back to Delhi
and, after making adequate preparations, marched upon Multan
at the head of a vast army. Kishlu Khan was defeated and
killed in an action fought near Abohar. The sultan made a
triumphant entry into Multan and granted general pardon to its
inhabitants on the intervention of Shaikh Ruknuddin Multani.
The successful handling of all these rebellions enhanced the prestige
of the sultan and strengthened the hold of the imperial govern-
ment oxer the distant provinces.

16. Kampila orKampili — a town in the Tunghbhadra valley, sifuated at a

distance of about ten miles from the ruins of Vijayanagar. The Hindu

principality of Kampila also included within its fold the districts of Rai-

chur and Dharwar.

•98 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Transfer of the Capital (1326-27)

The first 17 grand project, conceived by Muhammad bin
Tughluq, was to transfer his capital from Delhi to Devagiri,
which was renamed Daulatabad. What was foremost in the mind
of the Sultan, when he thought of such a move, cannot be ascer-
tained from the contemporary sources. '1 his is, however, a fact
that Muhammad bin Tughluq, while as crown prince Jauna Khan,
had formed close associations with the Deccan. He led two ex-
peditions to Warrangal and, after his hard-earned victory, annexed
the Hindu kingdom to the sultanate. But for the keen interest
taken by Ghiasuddm Tughluq and the victory scored by Jauna
Khan, the whole of southern peninsula might have slipped out of
the control of the newly established Tughluq dynasty. After his
accession to the throne, Muhammad bin Tughluq faced the first
revolt at the hands of Bahauddin Gurshasp, governor of Sagar,
who had developed contacts with some Hindu feudal chiefs of
the Deccan. The Sultan was constrained to shift his headquarters
temporarily to Devagiri to deal with the situation ; a little care-
lessness or weakness on his part could have triggered off rebel-
lions in other parts of the peninsula. With this background in
view, we can enumerate the plausible considerations which might
have led Muhammad bin Tughluq to transfer his capital to
Daulatabad. The sultan was a man of idea; who did not hesitate
to break the old traditions and conventions in state craft and
civil administration. As a great visionary, he believed in the
political unity of the Indian subcontinent and desired to bring
the entire country under the effective control of a central authority.
He wished the sultanate to play this grandiose role as a unifying
force. Delhi was situated far away from the South which
tempred the feudal chieftains and governors of the latter to defy
the imperial authority. His first Warrangal expedition (1321-22)
had failed simply because of the fact that his communications
with Delhi were cut off for a couple of weeks which resulted in the
spread of rumours and disaffection among his soldiers. Muhammad
bin Tughluq did not want such a mishap to be repeated again.
Since the conquest of southern India by Malik Kafur under
Alauddin Khalji and the inflow of its wealth lubricating the
wheels of the sultanate, the centre of gravity of the Indian
politics had definitely shifted to the South. Muhammad bin
Tughluq attached greater importance to his southern possessions
than the Punjab and Sind which had been ravaged by a century
of Mongol inroads. 18 Muhammad bin Tughluq was eager to
utilise the immense gold, silver, precious stones and untapped
resources of the South to enrich the sultanate. While at
Devagiri, he was fascinated with the pleasant climate, rich

17. Barani marks it as the second project, preceded by ‘taxation in the Doab ,
which is chronologically wrong.

18. Gardner Brown, quoted in Mahdi Husain, Tughluq Dynasty, op. cir,
p. 145.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

V

V

199

agricultural products and flourishing trade ah<kcomme.rce of
Maharashtra where his stay must have been macl%muli"teore
comfortable than at Delhi by the hospitality of the MSratha offi-
cials of the sultanate.

Barani offers the only explanation in support of the sultan’s'
project that Daulatabad held a central situation’. 15 ' Firishta,
though writing long afterwards, makes an observation :

The king was so much pleased with the situation and stre-
ngth of Dewgur (Devagiri) and considered it so much more
centrical than Dehly (Delhi), that he determined to make it
his capital . 20

Devagiri was in no way situated in the heart of Muhammad bin
Tughiuq’s empire ; it was not equidistant from the north-western,
eastern and southern boundaries of the sultanate. If the sultan
attributed a ‘central’ position to Devagiri, it could be justified
only when he attached little importance to his dominions,
situated to the east and north-west of Delhi. Of course, Delhi
being located close to the north-western frontier of India, was
frequently exposed to the foreign invasions whereas Devagiri was
free from this menace ; the latter enjoyed a more strategic loca-
• tion and could be defended better. We need not believe Ibn
Battuta when he says that the sultan wanted to punish the people
of Delhi 'because they used to write anonymous letters full of
abuse to him . 21 Similarly, Isami’s contention that the sultan
distrusted the people ( khalq ) of Delhi and wanted to break their
power by -uprooting them from their hearths and homes, is not
very rational unless we define the people to be the nobility or
aristocracy of the capital. The political environment of Delhi in
the beginning of Muhammad bin Tughiuq’s reign does not warrant
such an inference.

A modern historiographer, on the testimony of Siyarui Auliya,
opines that Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq intended to ‘solve
the Deccan problem’ by making Devagiri ‘a centre of Muslim
culture' through the plantation of ‘a colony of the Musalmans’
there. He observes :

One of the factors controlling the situation in the Deccan
was the scarcity of the Musalmans— a fact which made it so
tempting to the Hindu rulers to revolt, and so difficult for
the emperor of Delhi immediately to control the situation
from so gieat a distance. At the slightest outbreak of trouble

'3. Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 239.

20- (Briggs), I, p. 241 .

21. This nasty situation developed after the failure of the sultans major pro-
jects; it could have been the effect rather than th~ cause ol (the transfer of
the capital.

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ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

in any part of the Demean, either a capable general had to be
sent from Delhi or the emperor himself had to march in
person . 22

The argument does not stand the test of historical investiga-
tion. It was no Hindu chief but a prominent Muslim noble
Bahauddin Gurshasp who, instead of championing the cause of
Islamic unity on behalf of the sultanate, had raised the first
standard of revolt against Muhammad bin Tughluq. The feudal
Hindu chiefs and ambitious Muslim nobles stood at par with one
another in the matter of defying the authority of an autocratic
police state, that the sultanate of Delhi was. Muhammad bin
Tughluq was not a communalist but an imperialist with a clearer
political vision than what was possessed by the other sultans of
Delhi. His failure as a ruler need not distract us from the real
aims and objects that underlay his Deccan policy. The increase
in the numerical strength of Muslims and the spread of Islamic
culture in the South was the indirect result of his move which
was political in nature.

Firishta has it on record that ‘on proposing this subject to
his ministers, the majority were of the opinion that Oojein (Ujjain)
was a more proper place for that purpose ’. 23 As an autocratic
and self-willed ruler, however, Muhammad bin Tughluq brushed
aside the advice of his ministers and ‘without carefully looking
into the advantages and disadvantages on every side ,’* 1 decided
to transfer the Capital to Daulatabad. No wonder, he had to pay
a heavy price for having disregarded the advice of the counsellors.

The ‘exodus’ to Daulatabad took place in two phases. At
first, the imperial court and establishment shifted to the new
capital. The nobles moved but grudgingly while the .cream of
the aristocracy, comprising the saiyyids, shaikhs, ulama, traders
and businessmen showed disinclination to vacate the historic city
of Delhi ‘which for 170 or 180 years, had grown in prosperity
and rivalled Baghdad and Cairo ’. 25 This enraged the Sultan who
issued orders for the general migration of the aristocracy of Delhi
to Daulatabed ; the incident took place about a year after the
first phase of migration. Isami says that six caravans were com-
posed of -the people who were forced to move to the Deccan
against their will : the step was deeply resented by the aristocracy
and made the sultan an object of hatred and despise by all and
sundry. It was -not, however, a mass migration of the populace
of Delhi ; the Hindus in general were not affected by it nor were
the Muslim masses compelled to take the road to the • South. It

22. Mahdi Husain, Tughluq Dynasty, p. 144.

23. (Briggs), I, p. 241.

24. Barar.i, Tarikh, p. 239.

25. ibid.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

201

were essentially the upper classes of Delhi who fell a victim to
the whims of the despotic ruler ; they were uprooted from their
ancestral land, many of whom suffered great hardships and some
were actually ruined. Coercion was employed against those who
disobeyed the sultan’s orders ; some were mercilessly dragged .
out of their homes and punished. However, the harrowing tales
of mass migration as narrated by Barani, Ibn Battuta, and Isami,
etc., are not literally correct ; these became current among the
people as an expression of the sentiments of resentment and
disgust against the highhanded action of the sultan. The city of
Delhi was not evacuated completely, albeit, on being deprived of
its royal patrons and aristocracy, it lost its former pomp, grandeur
and prosperity.

Once the decision had been taken, the Sultan made elaborate
arrangements to execute the plan. The seven hundred mile long
trunk road (shahrah) between Delhi and Devagiri had already
been well developed since the days of Alauddin Khalji. Halting
camps were set up all along the route for the stay of the emigrants
where free food, drinking water and other amenities were made
available for them. An efficient postal and intelligence service
was established and state troops posted en-route to Daulatabad
to protect the life and property of the travellers. Ibn Battuta
reveals that the sultan had purchased all the houses and dwellings
of those who were asked to shift to the South ; they were provided
free board and lodging on arrival in Daulatabad and granted
free land and other facilities for the construction of their houses
and business concerns. Barani has it that ‘the sultan was
bounteous in his liberality and favours to the emigrants both on
their journey and on their arrival’ at Daulatabad. Notwithstan-
ding all that the sultan had done to help the emigrants, they
suffered tremendously from severe mental strain, privation and
fatigue . 26

Daulatabad did not prove an ideal capital for the vast Turkish
empire of India. Delhi as the imperial capital did have some
shortcomings, and the original idea of locating a more centrally
situated headquarters was not illogical ; albeit the choice of
Devagiri was wrong. It did not fulfil the requirements which
'necessitated this change. Being situated far away from the noith-
western frontier and Bengal, it could not serve as an adequate
base for the establishment of an effective control over north-western
and eastern India. To his great chagrin, Muhammad bin Tughluq

26. To quote Barani,

Many, from the toil of the long journey, perished on the road, and
those who arrived at Deogir, could not endure the pain of exile. In
despondency, they pined to death. All along Deogir, which is an
infidel land, there sprang up graveyards of Musalmans.

— ibid.

- U ~ advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

had to move like 'a shuttle-cock between Delhi and Daulatabad
to solve the various administrative and political problems.

The historic importance of Delhi could not be reduced by an
executive action alone. Delhi was associated with the foundation
of the sultanate and had enjoyed reputation as its metropolis

' throughout the Muslim world for over two centuries. Muhammad
bin Tughluq realised this bitter truth only after he had shifted to
Daulatabad. Moreover, inspite of the liberal patronage extended
by the sultan to the emigrants, many of them did not feel at home
in the South ; their emotional and sentimental attachment with
Delhi could not be cut off. They felt themselves as strangers in
an ‘infidel land’ and continued to grumble against the sultan
who had lost their confidence and goodwill ; they came to consti-
tute a permanently disgruntled and disaffected lot who did not
cooperate with the sultan willingly and sincerely in the manage-
ment of the state affairs. It had an adverse effect on the adminis-
tration and gave a serious setback to the dignity and prestige of
the sultan. Within two or three years, Muhammad bin Tughluq
realised his folly and brought back the imperial court t'o Delhi
without any fanfare. General permission was .granted to the
emigrants to come back to Delhi in 1335-36 but, much before
that stage, Delhi had already become the hub of political and
socio-cultural activities of the sultanate once again. Ibn Battuta
who came to Delhi in 1334 found it in a fairly flourishing con-
dition.

Abbas, the author of Masalik ul Absar, an Arabic work,
compiled about a decade after the so-called evacuation and des-
truction of Delhi, mentions that the sultanate of Delhi had two
capitals — Delhi and Devagiri or QubbatuI Islam, ‘the metro-
polis of Islam’. The two cities were connected with each other
by a broad and well-maintained highway. All along the route,
the sultan had placed huge beating drums at hundreds of the
posting stations, situated at short distances from each other.
Whenever something special happened in a city or when the gates
of the capital, where the sultan was not present, were opened in
the morning and closed at night, the drums were beaten in rapid
succession from posting station to posting station. In this .manner,
the sultan came to know every day the time of the opening and
closing of the gates of the capitailying at a distance of about
seven hundred miles from his place of residence. 27 Similarly, the
recent discovery of a couple of coins, minted almost simultaneouly
at Delhi and Daulatabad, carry the inscriptions on them as
Takhtgah i Delhi and Takhtgah i Daulatabad respectively. 28 Such
being the case, we have reasons to believe that the unprecedented
project conceived by Muhammad bin Tughluq was not scrapped

27. Referred to be Mahdi Husain, Tughluq Dynasty, p. 145.

28. Comp. HI, V, p. 514.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY 203

altogether. The original plan misfired and was universally con-
demned by the people essentially because of its dictatorial imple-
mentation ; the sultan crippled a wise project by its hastly imple-
mentation and the use of brute force therefore. Notwithstanding
the personal and autocratic element which constituted but a part
of the general nature of medieval Indian monarchical hierarchy, the
importance of Daulatabad as the second headquarters of the
empire was confirmed by experience, and the original plan was
modified to suit the exigencies of the times. The ancient. Indian
monarchs did have more than one capital to control their vast
Indian dominions. Considered from this angle, Muhammad bin
Tughluq made a great contribution to the concept of medieval
Indian polity, and anticipated the British who started with Calcutta
as the capital, situated on the eastern fringe of the country, and
subsequently developed Simla to be the second headquarters of
their Indian empire.

The immediate effect of Muhammad bin Tughluq’s transfer
of the capital was disastrous. It reduced the prestige and pros-
perity of Delhi though for a shortwhile. The aristocracy of
Delhi were uprooted from their hearths and homes and many of
them put to great inconvenience. The execution of the plan must
have put a tremendous strain on the administrative machinery as
well as the state treasury. The sultan lost in the estimation of
the people and could never win back their confidence all his life.
The bad execution of the project therefore, resulted in the
greatest personal loss to the sultan. The long-range effects of this
experiment proved, however, to be marvellous. The socio-cultural
barriers between the North and the South were broken. A large
number of the Muslim elite migrated to the South and made perma-
nent settlement there ; they received lucrative government assign-
ments, free land and estates and gradually came to acquire a domi-
nant position among the aristocracy of the Deccan. The propagation
of Islam among the natives received impetus and population of the
Muslims beyond the Vindhyas increased considerably. Thus the
Deccan became a stronghold of the Muslims. Whether Muhammad
bin Tughluq had originally conceived it or not, he became indi-
rectly responsible for plantation of the Muslim faith and Islamic
culture in the South. It would not be wrong to say that Alauddin
Khalji had carried the Muslim arms to the South whereas
Muhammad bin Tughluq installed the banner of Islamic religion
and culture there. The initial project of the sultan failed and,
in the long run, he lost his hold over his southern dominions as
well, but the Deccan continued to be the stronghold of Muslim
power ; it led to the birth of the Bahmani kingdom.

Introduction of Token Currency (1330-32)

Introduction of token currency was the second 29 unprece-
dented project launched by Muhammad bin Tughluq. It is

29. Barani treats it as project number three.

204

advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

essentially a modern concept that does not need much elaboration ;
we live in the age of token currency where the mere contemplation
of the intrinsic value of the contents of paper notes and coins may
be dubbed idiotic. Muhammad bin Tughluq, on the other hand,
earned the nickname of a ‘fool’ because he conceived of such an
advanced measure to revolutionise the Indian economy in the
fourteenth century. He has been described by Edward Thomas
as the ‘Prince of Moneyers’. 30 Soon after accession, he made
sweeping reforms in the system of coinage. He fixed the relative
values of the precious metals and issued various types of coins
with the object of facilitating exchange and circulation. The
introduction of token currency was, however, his most significant
innovation in the history of medieval Indian coinage. Following
the example of Kublai Khan (1260-94) of China and Gai Khatu
(1293 a.d.) of Persia, Mahammad bin Tughluq issued orders that
tankas of bronze 31 be minted and used for and at par with the
silver tankas.

Various reasons have been forwarded by different writers,
contemporary as well as modern, for this novel experiment
of Muhammad bin Tughluq. The underlying theme of Barani’s
account is that the financial stringency of the state had compelled
the sultan to take this step. There may be some truth in it, but
Barani’s statement that, on account of the failure of his taxation
policy in the Doab and the subsequent famine in northern India,
the state treasury was emptied, is wrong, in reality, the Doab
episode (1335-36) had taken place after the failure of the experi-
ment in token currency ( 1 330-32), The fact that the sultan had
subsequently paid back to the public, gold and silver coins in
return for the token currency and managed a most difficult situa-
tion with astonishing success, leads us to the conclusion that the
financial difficulty was not the reason for the introduction of token
currency ; on the other hand, the failure of.the experiment must
have resulted in the financial bankruptcy of the state.

Though Muhammad bin Tughluq had inherited a well-filled
treasury from his father, he was always anxious to find out new
ways and means of improving the financial condition of the
state. Firishta rightly tells us that the sultan introduced token
currency because he wished to augment his resources in order to
carry into effect his wild plans of conquest and administrative
reforms which appealed so powerfully to his ambitious nature.
Ishwara Topa was probably the first among the modern

30. The Chroniclers of the Pathan Kings of Delhi: London, 1871; Indian reprint,
Delhi, 1967.

31. The traditional fractional currency, called the jittals, were made of copper;
Barani says that the new tankas, to be .used as equivalent to the stiver
tankas were also made of copper whereas Firishta uses the word htranj —
brass or bronze, alloys of copper with tin, zinc or other base metals.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

205

historiographers to infer that the shortage of silver was the most
important reason for this measure. In medieval India silver was
most extensively used for coinage ; the gold coin were not very
common. The increasing trade and commerce and the vast dimen-
sions of the Tughluq empire increased the demand for silver. The
disbursement of incalculable amounts of silver coins to the
imperial armies and civil services created a problem similar to that
which Alauddin Khalji had also to face once. The latter had
met it by lowering the salaries of the soldiers and controlling the
prices of the commodities. Muhammad bin Tughluq did not
want, however, to revive the Khalji horror. He met the problem
of the scarcity of silver by three methods. First, he raised the
price of silver in relation to gold. The relative value of gold and
silver was reduced to the ratio of seven to one instead of ten
to one which generally prevailed during the reigns of his
predecessors. Second, he increased the weight of gold coins and
reduced that of the silvfer ones. Under Alauddin Khalji, gold and
silver tankas weighed 175 grains each ; Muhammad bin Tughluq
introduced, in their place, gold dinar of 200 grains and silver
adali of 144 grains. It clearly shows that as compared with gold,
there was relative scarcity of silver in the country under
Muhammad bin Tughluq’s reign. Third, in order to compensate
for the shortage of silver, he started token- currency which was to
be treated at par with silver currency. Above all, Muhammad bin
Tughluq possessed originality of thought and loved experimen-
tation. He wanted to open a new chapter in the history of
coinage in India. He was fully aware of the success of token
currency in China and decided to try the experiment without the
slightest intention of defrauding of cheating his own subjects as
alleged by the contemporary writers.

Muhammad bin Tughluq made the bronze coins as the legal
tender in about 1330 a.d., and put them at par, in value, with the
silver coins. The fundamental principle of his token currency was
the same as that of the modern paper and metallic currency. The
intrinsic value of the bronze coins was insignificant but they
were issued on government credit. The scheme was on the ‘whole
quite good and statesmanlike’ but bad execution led to its failure
inspite of the best intentions of the Sultan. Unfortunately,
Muhammad bin Tughluq did not take steps to make the mint the
monopoly of the state nor there was any elaborate machinery
to prepare the standard coins. Any goldsmith could produce as
good a coin as the royal token. Edward Thomas observes that

There was ho special machinery to mark the difference of the
fabric of the royal mint and the handiwork of the moderately
skilled artisan. Unlike the precautions taken to prevent
the imitation of the Chinese paper notes, there was positively

206

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

no check on the authenticity of the
limit to the power of production by the

copper token, and no
masses at large . 38

Barani does not exaggerate the point when he says that the
house of every Hindu 33 was turned into a mint’, and the people,
including Muslims, of course, began to forge the coins on an
extensive scale. They turned their utensils into coins’ and

with these they paid their tribute (taxes), and with these they
purchased horses, arms and fine things of all kinds. The
rais, the villages headmen and landowners grew rich and
strong upon these copper coins, but the State was impove-
rished... Every goldsmith struck copper coins in his work-
shop, and the treasury was filled with these copper coins . 31

Foreign merchants purchased Indian goods with the token
currency in vogue but refused to accept the latter while selling their
goods ; it led to the spread of confusion and discontent in the
country. The people held back gold and silver coins and, at the
same time, hesitated in dealing with token coins which ‘were not
valued more than pebbles or potsherds ’. 35 Barani states that
the coins of gold and silver, because of ‘great scarcity, rose four-
fold and fivefold in value. Trade was interrupted on every
side’ 38 , and all transactions in money came to a standstill.

Never was so wise a measure of reform so cruelly frustrated
than this experiment in token currency. The sultan was compelled
to order for the withdrawal of token currency after it had been
in use for about two years. He recalled all the token coins,
exchanging each for the silver one ; the people got gold and silver
in exchange for all such coins whether genuine or forged. Barani
writes •

So many of these copper tankas were brought to the treasury
that heaps of them rose up in Tughlikabad like mountains.
Great sums went out of the treasury in exchange for the
copper, -and a great deficiency was caused. When the sultan
found that his project had failed, and that great loss had

32. Chronicles of the Pathan Kings; op. cil; p. 245.

33. By the word Hindu Barani obviously mean the goldsmiths Since tne
goldsmiths were mostly Hindus, he uses this terms for them — ‘a favourite
practice with Barani to use a generic term where a specific term is requir-
ed'. K.A. Nizami observes that Barani's use of the word Turk for liban-
tes in the context of the rise of the Khaljis, and his use of the word Hindu
here and in connection with the regulations of Alauddin Khalji concerning
kiwis, inuqaddams and chaudltaris arc examples of this presentation, win
has caused considerable confusion’.

— Comp. HI, V, pp. 517-18 fn.

34. Barani, Tarikh, p. 240.

35- ibid.

35. ibid.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

207

been entailed upon the treasury through his -copper coins,

he more than ever turned' against his subjects .” 35

Thus the discredited token currency having, been recalled, all
forgery was stopped and the credit of the government restored.
The storm blew over, the panic ended and the people grew rich
at the cost of the state so much so that not even a ‘murmur’
about the affair was heard by Ibn Battuta who came to India
shortly afterwards. Abbas, the author of the Masalik ul Abscir ,
also knew nothing about it. The above-mentioned statement of
Barani, however ; needs a comment ; it contradicts his earlier
observation that Muhammad bin Tughluq had adopted token
currency in order to refill his empty treasury. Had that been the
case, he could not have afforded to buy back token coins, including
millions of the forged ones, in exchange for gold and silver.
As a matter of fact, the Sultan displayed a rare type of patience,
courage and sportsman’s spirit in .winding up a project which had
failed not only because of bad execution by the state but also
because of the dishonesty of his people. He was full of remorse
for having mishandled a wisely conceived project and readily
atoned for the acts of omission and commission of his subjects
too. The whole episode is a sad commentary on the incompe-
tence of the ruler and irresponsible conduct of his subjects ; both
the parties were equally to blame.

In addition to the well-known causes, such as forgery by
the people, the absence of any elaborate machinery to prepare
standard coins, the sultan’s failure to monopolise the mint or stop
the forgery * by devising special methods for the detection of
the forged coins, and the corruption of the state officials who were
most probably in league with the malcontents, some other
important factors were also responsible for the failure of the
measure. Token currency, for its success, requires the permanent
credit of the government. In medieval India, the Muslim dynas-
ties were always changing. The people could not hope that the
successors of Muhammad bin Tughluq or the subsequent rulers
of the new dynasties would ever accept these token coins as legal
tender. Second, there was already an abundance of fractional
currency of copper-jittals, etc., the peop'e accepted it because its
exchange value was not very high. The token currency was, how-
ever, to be treated at par with the silver currency. The illiterate
and unimaginative masses could not understand the difference
between the two and were simply confused. They thought that
the sultan intended to rob them. Third, there being no under-
standing or agreement with foreign governments regarding the
exchange value of the token currency, the foreign merchants were
in the right when they refused to accept bronze coins in their
business transactions. No other state, whether in India or abroad,
would have shown any consideration for the token currency of

37. Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 241 .

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ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Muhammad bin Tughluq in those days. Last but not least, the
price of metals depended on the law of supply and demand, and
could not be fixed by royal enactments. The Sultan roused
discontent By disregarding this law in raising the price of silver of
his own sweet will. Muhammad bin Tughluq’s measure of token
currency was much in advance of the age ; under the circums-
tances, it was bound to fail, and it is not surprising that it failed
miserably.

The Proposed Khurasan Expedition (1332-33)

Muhammad bin Tughluq was not content with his vast Indian
possessions ; like Alauddin Khalji, he had the visions of universal
conquest Barani and Firishta tell us that soon after the retreat
of Tarmashirin, the Mongol chief of Transoxiana, the Sultan
began to dream of extending his empire by the conquest of foreign
countries ; Khurasan was the first to catch his fancy. A brief
explanatory reference to the political background of his proposed
Khurasan expedition is deemed necessary. The country of
Khurasan formed a part of the Persian empire of the Ilkhan
Mongols. Abu S’aid, then Mongol emperor of Persia, being minor,

• his empire was coveted by Tarmashirin, the Chaghatai chief of
Transoxiana. Tarmashirin, having suffered an unexpected defeat
at the hands of the Persian armies near Ghazni, was compelled to
cross the Indian border, in 1326 a d., with 40,000 soldiers. As
mentioned earlier, Muhammad bin Tughluq made effective
arrangements for the defence of his dominions and Tarmashirin
was constrained to beat a hasty retreat towards Afghanistan. Before
his return to Transoxiana, Tarmashirin is said to have formed a
friendly alliance with Muhammad bin Tughluq for the conquest
of Khurasan ; it so appears that they had also taken the ruler
of Egypt into confidence in connection with this campaign, thus
leading to the formation of what may be called a ‘triple alliance’

On reaching Transoxiana, Tramashirin sent his son-in-law
Amir Nauroz, with a number of Mongol chiefs to the court of
Muhammad bin Tughluq. They joined his army and Amir Nauroz
remained in the service of the Sultan until the latter’s death
in 1351. Barani writes that, on the instigation of these foreigners,
the sultan prepared a wild project of conquering Khurasan and
Iraq. 38

In pursuance of this project, vast sums were lavished upon
the officials and leading men of those countries. These great
men came to him with insinuating proposals and deceitful
representations, and as far as they knew how, or were able,
they robbed the throne of its wealth. 89

38. The fourth and fifth projects; as per the narrative of Barani lavish expendi-
ture on ‘wooing’ the Mongol chiefs is termed by him as the fourth project,
while raising of the Khurasan army is treated as project number five.

39. Barani, Tarikfr, p.241 .

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

209

From Barani’s complaint we infer that Muhammad bin
Tughluq spent lavishly upon the foreign chiefs with the object of
eliciting information about the countries of Khurasan and Iraq.
Afghanistan . was then under the control of Tarmashirin and
Muhammad bin Tughluq’s plan seemed to establish some sort of
joint sphere of influence in the ' Muslim world. It is said that
Tarmashirin opened Ghazni to direct communications and negotia-
tions with Muhammad bin Tughluq ; Ghazni thus became a
diplomatic centre and came within the political influence of the
/ Sultan who frequently sent money to its government and almost
took the ‘Qazi of Ghazna’ into his pay— a fact which Barani
repeatedly deplores. Ibn Battuta, on the basis of his personal
experience in the court of Tarmashirin at Bukhara, tells us that
Muhammad bin Tughluq was extremely kind to Tarmashirin and
that brotherly relations existed between the two. Tarmashirin
was not an ‘infidel’ like his predecessors ; he had adopted sunni
form of Islam as the state religion of Transoxiana. This was
perhaps an additional reason for the close intimacy of Tarmashirin
and Muhammad bin Tughluq.

According to the statement of Barani, the Sultan made a
special-recruitment of 3,70,000 armed personnel for the proposed
conquest of Khurasan and Iraq ; this new force, known as ‘the
Khurasan Army’, was obviously over and above the regular im-
perial army of . Delhi and the contingents of the provincial
governors. It included a large number of the Rajputs and Hindus
of the Doab as well as the Mongol mercenary troops. As the
entire force had been raised within a year, the terms of recruitment
must have been very liberal and attractive. The incident took
place sometime in 1333-34, before the death of Abu S’aid, the
minor ruler of Persia ; he expired in 1335.

As luck would have it, the Khurasan expedition did - not
materialise and the army could not be put to use ; its main-
tenance and equipment caused a heavy drainage of wealth. In the
words of Barani,

for a whole year, these soldiers were supported and paid, but
as they were not employed in war and conquest, when the
next year came round there was not sufficient money in the
treasury to support them. 40

Barani, however, gives no reasons why the Khurasan expedi-
tion was not undertaken. It was probably because of the sudden
and unexpected changes that came about in the diplomatic and
political relations of Persia, Egypt and Transoxiana. These were,
the restoration of friendly relations between the court of Persia
and Sultan and Nasir of Egypt, and the deposition of Tarmashirin
by one of his cousins. The triple alliance was thus broken.

40. ibid.

210

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Unaided, Muhammad bin Tughluq was constrained to call off the
expedition.

. The two earlier projects could be justified to some extent on
rational grounds but not so the crazy plan for the conquest of
Khurasan. Such an expedition had little chance of success. True
that there was political instability in Khurasan on account of the
unpopular Persian rule and ‘minority’ of the Persian monarch,
but how did Muhammad bin Tughluq plan to establish his hold
there by jumping over Afghanistan which did not constitute a
part of his dominions ? It is strange that the Sultan took up such
an ill-conceived project at the bidding of a handful of the
self-seeking foreign nobles who apparently served as a liaison
between Delhi and the courts of Transoxiana and Egypt. In plan-
ning this expedition, the geopolitical factors were totally ignored ;
it was impossible to adequately equip and despatch such a
huge force over the Hindukush through the unsubjugated country
of Afghanistan, with its difficult terrain and inhospitable climate.
The only redeeming feature about Muhammad bin Tughluq is
that he abandoned the project before actually dragging the army
through the Khyber Pass to veritable disaster. To that extent,
we must give him credit for having shown some wisdom in the
long run. Out of the Khurasan army, about a lakh of the soldiers
were employed in the Qarachil expedition, while the rest were
disbanded. The so/diers, being suddenly thrown out of employ-
ment, took up to plunder and robbery and proved a great
nuisance to the government as well as the public.

The Qarachil Expedition (1333-34)

According to Barani, the Qarachil expedition of Muhammad
bin Tughluq was a part of the project Khurasan expedition.
After the failure of his scheme for the conquest of Khurasan, the
Sultan utilised a part of the Khurasan army for this purpose.
Firishta, who himself did not know the exact nature of the expe-
dition, writes that it was directed against China; some of the
modern writers have blindly followed Firishta’s account. Barani
states that the Sultan’s object was to conquer ‘the mountain of
Qarajal’ or Qarachal, which was situated ‘between the territories
of Hind and those of China, so that the passage for horses and
soldiers and the march of the army might be rendered easy .
His statement implies that the expedition was directed against
Himachal or the Himalayas; some of the modern writers have
wrongly criticised Barani for having made this statement which
had nothing to do with the, securing of a passage for the Khurasan
expedition. It has, however, been correctly suggested that by
Qarachil, the contemporary writers probably meant Kurmachil,
the old name of Kumaun. Thus the imperial army was sent
against some independent Rajput states in the Kumaun-Garhwal

41. Barani, Tarikb; pp. 341-42.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

211

region. These hilly tracts usually served as a place of refuge for
the rebels against the government of Delhi. That is why Muham-
mad bin Tughluq wanted to bring them under his direct control.

Khusrau Malik, a nephew of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq,
was the commander-in-chief of the Qarachil army. After a care-
ful analysis of the situation, the Sultan instructed him to establish
military posts at intervals along the route through the mountains
between the position to be stormed and the base on the plains.
These posts were to serve the twofold purpose of facilitating the
transport of provisions and serving as places of refuge in case of
retreat or disorder. So long as these instructions of the Sultan
were acted upon, Khusrau Malik met with success. The royal
troops captured ‘Jidya’ and the surrounding country at the foot of
the Himalayas. They seized the lands and treasures of the hostile
chieftains and then climbed up the heights and captured ‘Waran-
gal\ Khusrau Malik sent a written intimation of his victories to
the Sultan who despatched a qazi and a khatib to take charge of
the civil administration of the newly acquired territories. It so
appears, however, that the initial success turned Khusrau Malik’s
head, and he transgressed the Sultan’s orders. Flushed with vic-
tory, he took the whole army across the mountains into Tibet
where it was overtaken by ice-cold winds and rains, followed by
the outbreak of plague. A panic seized the army and the tables
were turned. The mountaineers, having got the upper hand,
hurled blocks of stones from the hill tops on to the retreating
troops in the valley below. The military posts, established pre-
viously to safeguard the retreat, fell into disorder. As a result,
the whole of the army was destroyed. Only a few survived, three
according to Ibn Battuta and ten as per narrative of Barani, to
tell the tale of misery to the frustrated Sultan in Delhi, who imme-
diately got them hanged for reasons better known to him.

The Qarachil <jirmy perished albeit the Sultan achieved the
political objective which had necessitated this expedition; Ibn
Battuta makes a significant statement in this connection:

After this, the Sutlan made peace with the inhabitants of the
hills on condition that they should pay him a certain amount;
since these people held possession of the territory lying at the
foot of the hills, they were unable to use it without his per-
mission. 42

The Hindu ruler of Nagarkot (Kangra) was also subjugated
a couple of years later (1337-38); though plundered by Mahmud
of Ghazni, Nagarkot had never constituted a part of the sultanate
of Delhi before.

42, The Rehla (Mahdi Husain); p, 145.

212 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Revenue Reforms : Taxation in the Doab (1333-34)

The failure of the abovementioned four major projects, viz.,
transfer of'the capital, the experiment of token currency, Khurasan
aud the Qarachil expeditions, had disastrous effect on the finances
of the state. The royal treasury was almost emptied and wealth
‘which is the true source of political power’, according to Barani,
‘was expended’. 43 The sultan, in desperation, was compelled to
think of new ways and means for increasing the revenues of the
state; he launched the fifth and the last major project pertaining
to ‘the enhancement of taxation in the Doab’. 44 This measure also
ended in smoke and had catastrophic effects on the fortunes of the
Tughluq empire.'

Muhammad bin Tughluq had started taking interest in the
revenue administration of the state from the very beginning of his
reign. Like his father, he stood for the extension of agriculture
and adopted liberal attitude towards the cultivators. He introduced
a register of the revenue and expenditure of the provinces in which
the financial resources and liabilities of each iqta were shown
separately. It Was perhaps intended to introduce a uniform revenue
policy throughout the sultanate on the basis of the information
gathered from this register. We, however do not know of any
valuable reform made by him in the land revenue administration;
the measurement of land and the rational assessment of the govern-
ment demand were never contemplated. Nevertheless, the sultan
is said to have made one brief experiment for the reclamation of
the barren land and improvement of agricultural produce through
rotation of crops. For this purpose, he created a department of
agriculture, styled dhvan-i-kohi, which was managed by agricul-
tural experts and officials of the revenue establishment in col-
laboration with the cultivators. A tract of land, about sixty miles
square in area, was entrusted to it for experimentation and an
investment of seventy lakh tankas was made on it over a period
of two years. The cultivators as well as the bureaucracy of his
day failed, however, to appreciate the {rue value of such a sci-
entific approach to the problem of agricultural growth; the corrupt
officials misappropriated the funds and the agriculturists did not
apply their brains to break the old traditions in the pattern of
cultivation. The department was wound up after three years; this
was too short a period for such an experiment to produce any
tangible results, of course.

43. Barani, Tarikh; p. 241.

44. Barani is the only contemporary authority to make mention of this tragic
episode as a project, and that also out of context from. the point or view oj
chronology; he gives serial number one to this project whereas Mahm
Husain, after careful analysis of the entire material available on the sub-
ject, has come to the conclusion that it was not the first but the last
Sultan’s projects.

— Refer to Barani, Tarikh; p. 238; & Mahdi Husain, Tughluq Dyn-
asty; pp. 19J-92.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

213

No more is heard of the Sultan’s interest in the improvement
of agriculture or reform of the revenue administration thereafter;
the enhancement of taxation in the Doab had nothing to do with
that type of creative urge in him. It is not appropriate either
to give it the ,name of ‘a project’. The Sultan was anxious to
replenish the empty treasury; the fertility of the Doab attracted
him and, according to Barani, he arbitrarily enhanced the taxes
in that region. The taxes were said to be intolerable and
wrought untold miseries on the people. In the words of Barani,

i

the enforcement of those schemes was made so rigorous that
the feeble and low among the ra'iyat were wiped out, while
those who were rich and possessed the means and wherewithal
became rebellious, with the result that the cities and districts
were ruined and cultivation was reduced to nothing. On
hearing of the ruin and destruction of the ra'iyat in the Doab
and fearing lest a similar fate should befall them, the inhabi-
tants of distant provinces also revolted and crept into jungles.
On account of the diminution of cultivation in the Doab land
{miyan-i- Doab) , the ruin of the ra'iyat of the miyan-i-Doab and
the rare arrival of the caravans and convoys of grain from
other parts of Hindustan in Delhi as well as in the' suburbs
of Delhi and in the whole of the Doab area, a destructive
famine broke out; prices of grains soared high and the rains
also stopped. A general famine prevailed, which continued
for several years during which period perished millions of
human beings; the old established life was disorganised and
many people were displaced and uprooted. From that day
departed the glory of Sultan Muhammad’s empire and his
administration declined and became ineffective . 45

Barani, whose native district Baran (mod. Bulandshahr, U.P.),
also suffered from the effects of this enhanced taxation, bitterly
criticised the Sultan for his cruel treatment of the agriculturists
of the Doab. His version of the Doab episode is, however, vague *
and rather ‘misleading’. In the first place, he does not inform
the readers as to the actual rate of the additional assessment
imposed by the Sultan; his statement like ‘the taxes were doubled’
or ‘increased ten or five times’ are meaningless unless we know
the existing rates of taxation which were affected by this enhance-
ment. Second, his account of the sufferings of the peasants is
exaggerated; and, in the third place, he confuses principal points
in the story by overemphasising the relationship between three
distinct issues— the Doab episode, the spread of general famine
in the country, and the widespread revolts in various parts of his
empire. Regarding Muhammad bin Tughluq’s taxation in the
Doab, a few points are worthy of note. While recruiting the
Khurasan army, the Sultan had made concessions to the peasants
and the Rajput warrior classes of the Doab; he had remitted even

54. Improved trs. by Mahdi Husain, quoted in Tughluq Dynasty, pp. 225-26.

214

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

the land tax in certain districts. He re-introduced these taxes
after the disbandment of the army. The people, who had once
enjoyed a concession by way of a special privilege, resented even
the re-imposition of the normal taxes, non-payment of taxes had
been allowed to them as a privilege but they converted it into their
right. Moreover, we have reasons to believe that the taxes impo-
sed by Muhammad bin Tughluq were not heavy. Alauddin
Khalji had raised the state demand of land revenus to 50 per cent
of the actual produce. It was subsequently reduced by Mubarak
Shah Khalji and Ghiasuddin Tughluq; the latter attempted to
pacify the agriculturists by charging only 10 per cent of the
produce as the land revenue; Muhammad bin Tughluq probably
raised this rate to double the amount. In other words, he brought
the land revenue to the normal standard, i.e., about one-fifth of
the actual produce.

Of course, in addition to the normal land revenue,
Muhammad bin Tughluq levied some abwabs such as house tax
and the grazing tax. These taxes had been in operation during
the reign of Alauddin Khalji and were very unpopular. As these
had been allowed to fall into disuse under Alauddin Khalji’s
successors, their revival by Muhammad bin Tughluq was resented
very much. It led to widespread discontent among the people of
the Doab. The refractory landlords made alliance with the dis-
banded soldiers of the Khurasan army and created trouble for
the government. They refused to pay the taxes and made an
altogether different use of the arms and the military training that
they had acquired recently at the expense of the slate. The tax
collectors used force for the realisation of state dues. As luck
would have it, the rains failed and northern India was caught in
the grip of a severe famine about this time; it lasted two or three
years. The bondage of goodwill and faith between the Sultan and
his bureaucracy seemed to have broken completely; that is why,

- none among his ministers dared to apprise the Sultan of the need
to change his taxation policy in time. As a result, the revenue
officials continued to oppress the starving peasants for the extrac-
tion of the state dues. Unable to simultaneously bear the govern-
ment oppression and starvation the poor cultivators were forced
to abandon their lands; most of them flocked to the capital
and other provincial towns with their starving families while
some resorted to highway robbery. The tug-of-war between the
unimaginative bureaucracy and peasantry in the Doab is ex-
plained by Hajji ud Dabir in the following words:

When the tax collectors treated the peasants harshly, the

latter killed them. On this, the emperor sent the arniran i

sadah against them. They killed the peasants. Then the

peasants seized the opportunity and killed the amirart i sadah.

As a result, the region (of the Doab) was completely ruined. 41

46. Quoted in Mahdi Husain, Tusluq D)-nasty, p. 232.

215

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

As usual, the Sultan realised the gravity of the situation too
late. He adopted liberal relief measures for the populace of
Delhi 17 and the other famine-affected areas. The collection of
land revenue and other taxes was suspended', the peasants were
advanced loans for the purchase of bullocks and seeds, and provi-
sion was made to dig wells for irrigation. Nevertheless, many of the
uprooted peasant families could not be persuaded to go back to
their villages and take up cultivation once again. The Doab
episode was silently merged into the countrywide discontent against
the rule of Muhammad bin Tughluq.

Rebellions and General Upsurge Against the Rule of Muhammad bin
Tughluq (1335-51)

The year 1335 marks the beginning of countrywide disorders
and general upsurge against the unpopular rule of Muhammad
bin Tughluq. The people were totally disillusioned by the un-
predictable and unintelligible conduct of the once ‘AdiP (the
just) Sultan turned ‘Zalim’ (the tyrant); he was universally dub-
bed as the ‘wisest fool’ of his day. The Sultan was dissatisfied
with his corrupt bureaucracy and disaffected nobility, and, in turn,
had lost their confidence; while the public was disgusted with
the Sultan as well as his entire administrative establishment. Such
being the case, the Sultan gradually lost his hold over his mili-
tary generals, provincial governors and the feudal chieftains;
they, individually as well as collectively, resorted to revolts in
quick succession. Beginning with an uprising in Ma’abar— the
eastern coast of the extreme southern peninsula, in 1335, the
Sultan faced as many as sixteen rebellions 48 till his death in 1351.
These were different in nature and scope from the earlier ‘isolated
instances’ of revolts of some disaffected individuals. The main
objective of all those who took up arms against Muhammad bin
Tughluq since 1335 was to cutoff their contacts with Delhi and
set up independent states. The Ma’abar rebellion, therefore,
constitutes a watershed in the history of the sultanate of Delhi; it
signals the decline and slow disintegration of the mighty Turkish
empire of early medieval India.

Northern India was in the grip of severe famine and the
people of the Doab were in ferment when Saiyyid Hasan, the

47. lbn Battuta writes:

When famine wus raging all over Hind and Sind, and prices became
exorbitant to such an extent that the price of a maund of wheat rose
to six dinar.*, the sultan ordered six months’ provisions at the rate of a
daily allowance of one and half rati of maghrib (equivalent to 750
grams of modern Indian weight) per head to be given to every one great
or small, free or slave. The jurists and judges set out registering the
names of the inhabitants in dilferent streets, sending for the people and
giving to each victuals amounting to six months’ provisions.

— The Rchla (Mahdi Husain), pp. 84-85.

For details, refer to Mahdi Husain, op. c ft; pp. 195-297.

48 .

216

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

governor of Ma’abar, raised his standard of revolt. A contingent
of the royal ‘army sent to recover Ma’abar', situated at a distance
of ‘six months’ march from Delhi, changed sides and ‘remained
there’. 49 It enraged the Sultan who personally led the imperial
army to the south to deal with the situation. To his great mis-
fortune, the outbreak of plague in the army at Bidar (Telengana)
took a heavy toll of life and compelled the Sultan to retrace his
steps to Daulatabad, he was also taken ill but escaped death ‘by
divine providence’. The imperial aimy was totally crippled and
thinned by the deaths of numerous generals and thousands of
soldiers. The Sultan was so much disheartened by this natural
calamity that he gave up the idea of sending a punitive expedition
to the far south and returned to the north; he stayed at Dhar
(Malwa) for a pretty long time till bis return to the capital in July
1337. It afforded an opportunity to Hasan to set himself up as
an independent ruler at Madura with the title of Sultan Saiyyid
Ahsan Shah. It was the first independent Muslim state carved out
of the sultanate of Delhi in the south.

While Muhammad bin Tughluq was away from the capital,
Amir Hulajun, a Mongol noble in the imperial service of Delhi, kil-
led the governor of Lahore and declared his independence. He was,
however, defeated and killed by a royal army led by Khwaja i
Jahan Ahmad Ayaz who held charge of the central government
at Delhi on behalf of the Sultan. Malik Hushar.g, son of Kama-
luddin Gurg, then governor of Daulatabad, revolted in 1335-36 and
took shelter with a Hindu chieftain of the region. On the inter-
vention of some nobles, however, he offered submission to the
Sultan and was granted pardon. The Sultan appointed Qutlugh
Khan to be the new governor of Daulatabad. Saiyyid Ibrahim,
son of Saiyyid Hasan, the rebel chief of Ma’abar, held the go-
vernorship of Hansi. He also defied the imperial authority of
Delhi but was taken prisoner and executed.

This was, however, only the beginning of the troubles. Mili-
tary prowess had been the cementing force which held the distant
provinces under the control of the sultanate. The near destruc-
tion of *he imperial army in 1335-36 by the cruel hands of fate,
incapacitated it for any major action for about a decade. It
encouraged the provincial governors to defy the authority of
Muhammad bin Tughluq who had become thoroughly unpopular
amongst his subjects throughout the country.

Ghiasuddin Bahadur, the governor of Bengal had revolted
against Delhi in 1330-31 but was defeated and killed by the
royal troops. Thereafter, Bahram Khan, a half-brother of Sultan
Muhammad bin Tughluq, was made governor of Sonargaon
(Dacca) while Lakhnauti was held in governorship by Qadr Khan.
On the death of Bahram Khan in 1338-39, there was a general

49. Darani, Tarikh; p. 243.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

217

uprising against Delhi but the Sultan failed to take any action
to restore the imperial authority. Qadr Khan was also killed by
the rebels and, ultimately, two independent Muslim states came
into existence in. Bengal with headquarters at Sonargaon and
Lakhnauti, under the rule of Fakhruddin Mubaiak Shah and
Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah respectively. Bengal was thus cut off
from the sultante of Delhi forever.

The hold of the imperial government over the provincial
governors had been weakening since 1335; therefore, the earlier
ideal of the Sultan to establish a uniform civil administration
throughout the empire also received an ignominious burial. As
an alternative, the Sultan initiated a new policy of assigning the
governorship of the iqtas to those nobles who promised to pay
the maximum annual tribute to the centre; in return, they were
permitted to manage the internal affairs of their provinces as they
pleased. This policy struck at the very roots of the solidarity of
the state. The ambitious nobles got such assignments by holding
out promises to pay the exorbitant amounts to the imperial govern-
ment, which they subsequently failed to collect from their subjects.
Being afraid of the Sultan’s wrath for having broken the
contract, they were constrained to revolt out of desperation.
In this category are included the rebellions of about half a dozen
otherwise loyal and trustworthy grandees of the empire. Nizam
Ma’in, governor of Kara, could not collect even ‘one-tenth of the
stipulated amount’ that he had promised to remit to Delhi every
year. Out of desperation, he declared his independence with the
title of Sultan Alauddin (1337-38). He was captured and flayed
alive. Nusrat Khan had been entrusted with the governorship
of Bidar by the Sultan in 1335 on the promise of paying a crore
of tankas every year to the imperial exchequer. He failed to
make good that amount and revolted (1338-39). He was also
defeated and taken captive to Delhi. Ali Shah revolted at Gul-
barga in 1339-40; he was taken prisoner and banished to
Afghanistan. The Sultan added to his troubles by distrusting
even the oldest and the most trustworthy nobility of the state.
Ainul Mulk Multani, the grand oid man of the Turkish elite, who
had seen commendable service under Alauddin KhaJji, held the
charge of Oudh. The ' sultan showed his displeasure against
him by transferring him to Daulatabad in 1340-41. Apprehend-
ing a worse fate at the hands of the zalim Sultan, Ainul Mulk
revolted. He was defeated and brought to Delhi in chains but
the Sultan spared his life.

Shahu Afghan, a rebellious noble, killed the governor of
Multan (1341) and acquired control of the town. Muhammad bin
Tughluq led an expedition against him under his personal com-
mand. On the approach of the royal army, Shahu fled to the
hills'; the frustrated Sultan wreaked his vengeance upon the
innocent Afghan inhabitants of his dominions. Similarly, the

218

advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Jat and Bhatti'. Rajput cultivators of Sunam and Samana withheld
the state taxes and organised an insurrection. The royal army
suppressed the revolt mercilessly; the rebel leaders were captured
and brought to Delhi where they were either beheaded or forcibly
converted to Islam.

The initial success of the Sultan in suppressing the various
provincial revolts did not improve the situation; his cruel and
inhuman treatment of the rebels provoked the others to take up
arms, against him. The countrywide rebellions and disorders
provided an opportunity to the Hindus of the south to strive for
independence. From among the old Hindu ruling families,
Krishna Nayak, son of Pratap Rudra Deva II, occupied Warran-
gal in 1343-44 and set up as an independent ruler though his
success proved to be short-lived, while Vir Ballal III (death
1342 ad) and his son Vir Ballal IV carried on the struggle for
independence in the teeth of opposition' from the Sultans of
Madura. Meanwhile, two enterprising brothers Harihar and
Bukka Rai, who were associated with the extinct ruling house
of Warrangal, laid the foundation of the town of Vijayanagar
in 1336 and carved out a small principality which was transform-
ed gradually into a mighty kingdom.

It was, however, the revolt of amiran i sachih 3U (the centu-
rians)— the foreign nobles in the imperial service, in Malwa, Guj-
arat and Daulatabad which finally sealed the fate of the sultanate
in the south. They enjoyed special privileges particularly because
of the cooperation that they had once extended to the Sultan in
the transfer of the capital to Daulatabad. They were ambitious
and aggressive in their conduct and grew rich at the cost of the
state as well as the subjects. They showed signs of disaffection
against the Sultan. The Sultan became apprehensive of the
designs of Qutlugh Khan, governor of Daulatabad since 1335,
who was thought to be the chief patron of the amiran i sadah.
Muhammad bin Tughluq recalled him to the court at Delhi in
1341 and ordered Nizamuddin, the governor of Gujarat, to take
the additional charge of Daulatabad as the viceroy of the Deccan.
This infuriated the amiran i sadah who refused to cooperate with
the new viceroy. About this time, Aziz Khumman, the newly
appointed governor of Malwa, liquidated, in a single official get-
together, as many as 89 amiran i sadah through treachery, at the
bidding of the sultan. It led to the general conflagration among
the Turkish bureaucracy of Malwa, Gujarat and Maharashtra.
The Sultan mobilised the royal army and marched upon the dis-
affected provinces; before his arrival, however, Daulatabad had
fallen into the hands of the rebels, The Sultan defeated the rebels
and recovered the outer fort of Daulatabad. However, the

50. From sadi — a century or a unit of one hundred; the sadah amirs were mostly
of foreign extraction; held civil and military assignments and each one
of them is said to have commanded a hundred soldiers.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

219

besieged rebels heroically defended the inner fort while their
fellow brethren acquired control over the important towns of
Maharashtra and Telengana and started a war of liberation
against the oppressive and discredited regime of Muhammad bin
Tughluq; they received encouragement and support from the
public in general.

While the conquest of Daulatabad was half-way through, the
Sultan received intelligence about the outbreak of a fresh uprising
in Gui'arat. Taghi, a new ~'bel leader, killed the governor of
Gujarat, occupied Anhihvara and Cambay, and attacked Broach.
It unnerved the Sultan; he left the half-conquered Maharashtra
in the hands of dispirited and demoralised officers and himself
made a dash towards Gujarat with the bulk of the royal army.
This enabled the rebels of Maharashtra and Telingana to extirpate
the royal pockets of resistance in the south and lay the founda-
tion of the Bahmani kingdom; Hasan Gangu, the most accom-
plished leader of the rebels, ascended the throne at Daulatabad in
August 1347 with the title of sultan Alauddin Bahman Shah.
It sounded the death knell of the imperial sway of the sultanate
of Delhi over the southern peninsula.

Meanwhile, Muhammad bin Tughluq was engaged in a deadly
conflict with Taghi in Gujarat. Taghi suffered defeats in a
number of encounters and retreated towards Sind; he took shel-
ter with the JamofThatta. The Sultan gave up all hope about
the recovery of the south but concentrated his attention upon
Gujarat. He stayed there for over two years, restored law and order,
and then made up his mind to recover Sind by settling his scores
with Taghi. On the way to Thatta, he was suddenly taken ill and
died a broken-hearted man on March 20, 1351.

An Estimate

Muhammad bin Tughluq is the most tragic personality
among the sultans of Delhi. He was one of the greatest rulers
of early medieval India albeit his character and performance
have been the subject of controversy ever since his own times. His
subjects misunderstood him, the bureaucracy could not com-
prehend his policies and programmes and the contemporary chro-
niclers failed to evaluate correctly the achievements and failures
of his reign. The modern historians have equally been mistaken
in the critical .analysis of his character and achievements; contra-
dictory opinions have often been expressed on the subject, and
the controversy is ‘as fresh as ever’. Of course, no other ruler of
early medieval India has ‘evoked so much discussion concerning
his policy and character’ 51 as Muhammad bin Tughluq.

51. BVB, VI, p. 80.

220

advanced study jn the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Muhammad bin Tughiuq left nothing to be desired from the
point of view of academic and intellectual attainments. A scholar
as well as soldier, he was an enthusiastic and ambitious man of
high moral character who started his reign with everything in his
favour. The people expected great things from him and he, in
turn, being a man of ideals, intended to bring about radical
changes in the administrative set up and extend his imperial sway
over the entire Indian subcontinent. However, all the virtues of
his character and qualities of head and heart were of no avail
since he suffered from the lack of common sense. Partly an
idealist and partly a visionary, Muhammad bin Tughiuq was a
self-willed autocrat who seldom cared to take counsel or follow
the advice tendered by his ministers. Over-confident of his capa-
bilities, he formulated abstract schemes which he executed in haste
without considering the pros and cons of their implications. In
spite of his best intentions, some of his lofty projects failed
simply because these were either executed badly or found to be
impracticable. Muhammad bin Tughiuq proved to be a most
impractical man, in deed! He was very obstinate; once an idea
got into his head, he pursued it irrespective of the consequences;
and being hot tempered, he got irritated over trifles and inflicted
severe punishments on those who failed to dance to his tune. He
‘lacked discretion’ and ‘cool judgment’ and ‘knew no modera-
tion’; he definitely displayed divergent traits of character at one
and the same time, and has rightly been described as a ‘mixture
of opposites’. He was, therefore, nis own enemy. There is no
denying the fact that, as ruler and administrator, he failed miser-
ably. He lest in the estimation of the elite and the grandees of
the empire and came to be hated and despised by his subjects;
nevertheless, he held out against the rebels and political opponents
fearlessly and stubbornly till the bitter end. He died in harness
and, in his death, redeemed his ‘honour and dignity' as one of
the greatest despotic rulers of the period under review. He was
by far the greatest of all the sultans of the Tughiuq dynasty. The
sultanate of Delhi reached the maximum territorial as well as
political dimensions during his reign; from the Khyber to Sonar-
gaon (Dacca) and from Nagarkot (Kangra) to the extreme
south. Muhammad bin Tughiuq was the lord paramount of India.

In rejecting him, the Indians also rejected the integrity of the
central authority and political unity of the country, and reverted
to the feudal pattern of the 'dark age’ which had received a
serious jolt since the days of Alauddin Khalji. The 'hair-brain’
schemes of Muhammad bin Tughiuq carried the rudiments of
modernity and national integration albeit he failed to convince
his people of their significance, and himself lacked the skill to
implement them for the benefit of the people. The period of
rule of Muhammad bin Tughiuq constitutes one of the most
tragic chapters in the history of early medieval India; it is a sad
commentary on the well-intentioned but incompetent monarch,
and corrupt, selfish and short-sighted bureaucracy who were
called upon to rule the unimaginative and backward masses.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

3: Firoze Shah Tughluq
(1351 1386)

221

The Elected Sultan

Muhammad bin Tughluq left no male issue 52 nor did he
nominate a successor . 53 His sudden death in the army camp in
the vicinity of Thatta , 54 therefore, created a serious situation ;
the soldiers decamped immediately and marched towards Delhi
‘without leader, rule, or route, in the greatest disorder. No one
heeded or listened to what anyone said, but continued the march
like careless caravans ’. 35 The Mongol mercenaries who had been
hired by Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq to suppress the rebel-
lions, ‘assailed the royal army in front’ with the object of
acquiring ‘booty ’, 56 while the rebels of Thatta attacked the bag-
gage train in the rear. Thousands of villagers , who had earlier
been pressed into the service of the army, took to flight ; they
also joined hands with the rebels and began to pillage ‘various
lots of baggage on the right and left of the army’. It spread
consternation among the ‘imperialists’ who stood in danger of being
totally annihilated ; they numbered, according to Barani two
lakh human souls, including, of course, the families, slaves
and the non-combatants. In that hour of crisis, the shaikhs,
nobles and ulema of the imperial camp held an emergency council

57 He had only one offspring — a daughter, who was born in the reign of
Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq.

— Shams i Siraj Afif, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; E & D, III, pp. 280-81; &
Barani, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; E&D, III, p. 267.

There are thus two contemporary works bearing the same title Tarikh i
Firoze Shahi — one by Barani and the other by Afif. Barani’s title is a
misnomer. It carries the account of only six years (1351-56) of Firoze
Tughluq’s reign; even that is not very objective because Barani has indul-
ged in a strain of adulation’ of the Sultan which spoils his narrative. On
the other hand, Afif’s book has a better claim to the title as it is devoted
exclusively to the exhaustive study of Firoze Tughluq’s reign. For a
review of the two works, refer to Introduction of the present study.

For modern works on Firoze Tughluq exclusively, refer to J M Banerjee,
History af Firoze Shah Tughluq ; Delhi, 1967. R.C. Jauhri, Firoze Tughluq ;
Agra, 1968.

53. Ba.ani’s reference to Firoze Tughluq as ‘the heir apparent and legatee of
the late sultan’ is wrong.

54. On the bank of the Indus at fourteen kos from Thatta. —Barani, Tarikh;
op. cit; p. 265.

55. ibid; p. 266,

56. “The Mongols fell to plundering, and carried off women, maids, horses,
camels, troopers, baggage and whatever else had been sent on in advance.
They had very nearly captured the royal harem and the treasure with the
camels which carried it”.

— Barani, Tarikh; p. 266.

222

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

a nd, with near unanimity 57 , elected Firoze Tughluq, son of sipah
salar . Rajah and an elderly cousin of Muhammad bin Tughliiq, to
be the Sultan. Firoze Tughluq accepted the offer after some
hesitation, and was formally coronated in a simple ceremony,
held somewhere on the bank of the Indus where they had
halted for the night before. The incident took place on March 23,
1351, three days after the death of Muhammad bin Tughluq.
Firoze Tughluq swung into action immediately and made effective
arrangements for the protection of the imperial forces ; he con-
ducted them safely to the capital via Multan and Dipalpur.

Meanwhile, Khwaja-i-Jahan, the wazir of Muhammad bin
Tughluq, who held charge of the central government in Delhi, had
installed an infant on the throne and declared him to be the son
and successor of the deceased Sultan. He, however, did not
receive wide support for his cause and offered submission 58 to
Firoze Tughluq near Hansi. Firoze Tughluq entered Delhi with
the imperial army and was coronated with great pomp and show
on August 25, 1351 ; he was about forty-six at that time. His
succession, though ‘bloodless’, did not go unchallenged. Khuda-
vandzada was apparently reconciled to the loss of political
ascendancy for her family ; nevertheless, she harboured a feeling
of ill-will towards him and, after some time, hatched a conspiracy
against the Sultan. Her son Davar Malik was, however, not a
party to it ; his timely warning to the Sultan saved the latter’s
life. 59 Similarly two half-brothers of Firoze Tughluq, from the
Muslim wives of Rajab, also disputed his claim to the throne and
were de-recognised by the imperial court.

Firoze Tughluq ’s father Rajab was the younger brother of
Ghiasuddin Tughluq, while his mother was a Bhatli Rajput lady 60
who had to marry Rajab in order to save the estate of her father
Ran Mai of Abohar from destruction at the hands of the
Muslims ; Firoze Tughluq was her only child. Rajab died when
Firoze was hardly six or seven years old ; he was brought up by

57. JEChudavandzada, sister of sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq, claimed the
throne for her son Davar Malik; the latter’s candidature was rejected by
the war council on the ground that he was ’an incompetent person, in-
capable of governing’.

— Afif, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 276.

58. Khwaja-i-Jahan was the oldest grandee of the empire; he was about 80 at
that time — ‘his frame was wasted and feeble, and his hair was white, .he
was a kind-hearted man’. He was accordingly pardoned by the Sultan
and assigned the estate of Samana to spend the rest of his life in retirement.
The nobility, who played the role of ‘king-makers’ for a while, did not
approve of the Sultan’s action, however; and, on their insistence, Khwaja i.
Jahan was put to death before he could reach Samana.

59. Afif, Tarikh; pp. 2 90-92.

60. Bibi Naila, who became known as sultan bibi Kadhanu.

—Afif, Tarikh; p. 273.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

223

Ghiasuddin Tughluq just like a son. Firoze was a young lad of
fourteen when Ghiasuddin became the sultan ; at that young
age, he was appointed deputy to the lord chamberlain (naib i amir
hajib ) with the title of naib barbak. Sultan Muhammad bin
Tughluq treated him with affection and usually kept him in his
royal company. In 1345, when the Sultan went out of the
capital for the suppression of revolts in Mahva, Gujarat and
Daulatabad, he constituted a royal council to run the administra-
tion ; it comprised Kabir Khan, Khwaja-i-Jahan and Firoze.
Kabir Khan had died during the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq,
and with the execution of Khwaja-i-Jahan, Firoze was left as
the only prospective candidate for the exalted office of the sultan
who had shared the royal powers in the previous regime. Most
probably, Muhammad bin Tughluq desired Firoze to succeed
him to the throne though his formal nomination as the heir
apparent could not be effected owing to the sudden collapse of
the Sultan.

Firoze Tughluq was not a usurper, nor was his accession
irregular. According to the Islamic law, sovereignty was not
based upon descent though the son’s right to rule was recognised,
which received weightage only if the latter was competent to
govern or enjoyed the approval of the nobility and the ulema.
Nomination of heir apparent to the throne by the reigning mo-
narch also received due consideration though Razia’s nomination
by her illustrious father Iltutmish was rejected by the ‘Forty’
slave generals on the ground that she was a woman. Therefore,
there was nothing like the ‘inherited right’ of succession to the
throne among the Indo-Turkish sultans of Delhi. From the
point of view of descent, some other persons had better claims
than Firoze Tughluq to succeed Muhammad bin Tughluq albeit
their claims were rejected by the grandees of the empire. Firoze
Tughluq was duly elected by them and declared competent to
govern, may be because of his advanced age and long administra-
tive experience but more because of the fact that, from among the
kinsmen of the late sultan, he happened to be more prominent
as a devoted Musalman of high moral character who enjoyed the
confidence of the nobility and the ulama. Firoze Tughluq was
not a distinguished soldier and his mother had been a Hindu by
faith before her marriage ; even these ‘shortcomings’ did not
weigh with the nobility and the ulama when they pronounced
him ‘fit’ to be the sovereign. Of course, it was ‘an abnormal
decision,’ 61 taken by them to suit ‘the exigency of the situation,’
which threw up Firoze Tughluq into prominence ; his succession
to the throne was based on the principle of the ‘survival of the
fittest’ in a critical situation. It goes to the credit of Firoze
Tughluq that he rose to the occasion, proved his worth as the
saviour of the imperial camp and justified the confidence reposed
in him by the grandees of the empire. Above all, it was his good

61. J.M. Banerjee, Firoze Shah Tughluq; op. cit; p. 14.

224

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

fortune that he happened to be in the imperial camp at hour of
grave crisis ; but for his presence there, his election as sovereign
would have been a remote probability. Similarly, he proved to
be an exceptionally lucky man in having escaped the hands of
the assassins at the palace of Khudavandzada in Delhi soon after
his accession to the throne. Firoze Tughluq strengthened his
legal position as the rightful successor of Muhammad bin Tushluq
by obtaining an investiture from the khalifa and assumed the
title of naile i amir ill mn.mnin ; he aiso inscribed the khalifa's
name on the coins.

Nature of His Rule

Firoze Tughluq enjoyed a long reign of thirty-seven years
(1351-88). The first two decades of his rule were maikcd by peace
and tranquillity, and a welcome relief to the subjects from the
political turmoils and oppressive state policy of the previous regime.
Being a man of peace, he took great interest in solving the
domestic problems of the day and utilised the resources of the
state for public welfare acti ,,: ttes. He did not aspire to reconquer
all the lost dominions of the empire nor was he successful when
he attempted to do so. A poor general and incompetent military
organiser, Firoze Tughluq did not pay proper attention towards
the maintenance of a strong, well-equipped and efficient army
which was, in fact, the backbone of the sultanate. Even on the
home front, he proved to be a poor administrator who failed to
utilise his long era of peace for developing the institutions of
civil administration on healthy lines so as to ensure the stability
and creditability of the central government and administration.
The evil effects of his poor administration, weak foreign policy
and defective military organisation ' began to show themselves
after 1772 and the last seventeen years of his reign constituted an
era of reaction during which slow but steady decay and disinte-
gration of the sultanate set in.

It is significant to remember that Muhammad bin Tughluq
had given a shattering blow to the sultanate of Delhi as an empire ;
Firoze Tughluq inherited the sultanate as a small kingdom only,
and his reign was marked by the emergence of the forces for its
ultimate decline.

Khan-i-Jahan Maqbul— the Prime Minister

On the. day of his coronation, Firoze Tughluq appointed
Malik Maqbul his prime minister (wazir) with the tittie ot Kiiar,-
i-Jahan. Pa He was a brilliant administrator who held this exaucu

62. His full title was — Masnad-i-Aal; Ulugh Qutlugh Azam-i-Humayun Khan-i
Jahart Maqbul •

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

225

office till his death in 1370. As much of the credit for the successful
civil administration of Firoze Tughluq’s reign, during this period,
goes to Khan i Jahan, a brief review of his career is worthy of
note. 63 Khan i Jahan was a Brahmin from Telingana whose original
name was Kattu or Kannu. During his early life, he was
attached to the court of the last Hindu ruler Pratap Rudra Deva
II of Telingana. After the annexation of Telingana (1323-24) by
Jauna Khan (latter Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq), Kannu was
brought a captive to Delhi where he embraced Islam and was given
the name of Maqbul. When Muhammad bin Tughluq ascended
the throne, he ‘perceived in him (Maqbul) many marks of sagacity
and intelligence’ and made him the naib wazir for the metro-
polis of Delhi- Thereafter, his promotion to the higher offices
was rapid ; he received the title of Qawamul Mulk and govern-
orship of Multan. He was the naib wazir (deputy prime minister)
of the empire during the last years of Muhammad bin Tughluq's
reign when Khwaja i Jahan held the office of the prime minister.
He managed the administrative affairs with competence, issued
many rules and regulations to restore the health of the revenue
ministry ( diwan i wazarat) and extended his control over the
provincial officers with an iron hand. Khwaja i Jahan depended
heavily upon him for the smooth running of the administration.
Maqbul did not like, however, the action of the prime minister on
the issue of succession to the throne after the death of Muhammad
bin Tughluq. When Firoze Tughluq approached the capital with
the imperial army, Muqbul deserted Khwaja i Jahan and joined
the imperial camp ; 64 he ‘helped’ Firoze Tughluq ‘to get pos-
session of the city’. 65

The appointment of Maqbul as the prime minister with the
title of Khan-i-Jahan was hailed by the nobles and the ulama though
he was not one of the ‘king- makers’ of the imperial camp who
had been instrumental in raising Firoze Tughluq to the throne.
Maqbul richly deserved this exalted office on merit, indeed ! The
Sultan reposed full confidence in him and the two acted in perfect
harmony with each other. Whenever the Sultan went out of the
capital for hunting or on military expeditions, Khan i Jahan

63. For the detailed ‘memoir of Khan-i-Jahan’, refer to Afif, Tarikh i Firoze
Shahi; ‘seventh mukaddama’, pp. 367-71.

64. Firoze Tughluq received homage from Qawamul Mulk Maqbul somewhere
near Ikdar. Afif writes:

“Another pleasure which the sultan received on the same day at this
place was the bisth of a son, who was named Fateh Khan. The sultan
founded a town there, to which he gave the name of Fatehabad.”

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; p. 283.

65. ibid; p. 368.

Having lost the support of Maqbul, Khwaja-i-Jaban was compelled to offer
submission to Firoze Tughluq soon afterwards. The Sultan was still en-
camped at Fatehabad (old Ikdar) when Khwaja-i-Jahan laid down the
arms before him.

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ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

deputised for him and carried on the administration with such
wisdom and alacrity that the long absence of the sultan had no
adverse effect on the functioning of the central government.

Khan-i-Jahan was liberally provided by the sultan and he
literally rolled in wealth; his salary was 13 lakhs tankas per
annum. His abundant wealth raised him above all corruption
and, instead of making him arrogant and power-drunk, moulded
him into a magnificent, lovable and dignified personality. He
enjoyed all royal privileges and luxuries of the princely order.
Afif observes that ‘notwithstanding his onerous official duties’,
Khan-i-Jahan was 'much devoted to the pleasures of the harem,
and sought eagerly for the pretty handmaids’. He is said to have
two thousand women of various nationalities and races in his
harem and produced dozens of children, all of whom received
liberal privy purses. 66 Khan i Jahan was more than eighty at
the time of his death which took place during the eighteenth
year of the reign of Firoze TugMuq. Afif writes that on his death

“all Delhi went into mourning, and crowded the mosques
and tombs... The sultan was greatly affected at his death,
and wept bitterly ; and he resolved in his mind that he would
never more ride forth on any great enterprise.” 67

After the death of Khan-i-Jahan Maqbul, his son Juna Khan
was promoted wazir and granted the title of his illustrious
father by Sultan Firoze Tughluq. Khan-i-Jahan Juna Khan was
no match to his father in calibre ; nevertheless, he acted as the
prime minister of Firoze Tughluq with devotion for the next
twenty years and was populary known as 'Khan i Jahan, son of
Khan i Jahan'.

No wonder, Khan i Jahan Maqbul and his family made a great
contribution towards the initial administrative achievements of
Sultan Firoze Tughluq ; the peace and prosperity of his reign
during the first two decades is unintelligible unless the services
rendered by Khan-i-Jahan Maqbul to the throne are taken into
consideration.

66. According to Afif, Khan-i-Jahan

had numerous sons, and the sultan made a provisions that every son
born to him should, from his birth, receive an allowance ol U,wu
tankas (p.a.) for his maintenance; he also provided that every daughter
on her marriage should receive an allowance of 15,000 tonkas _ iiis
sons and sons-in-law, all wore caps and white waist-bands, and nis
magnificence reached to such a pitch that the sultan was often heard
to say that Khan-i-Jahan was the grand and magnificent king ot Demi.

—Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; pp. 368-69

67. ibid-, p.371..

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

227

Domestic Policy: Administrative Reforms and Public Welfare Acti-
vities

Firoze Tughluq inherited a truncated empire, infected with
widespread revolts and disorder. The civil services had been
crippled and the royal treasury was empty. The people in gene-
ral hadbeen suffering and simmering with discontent under the
oppressive regime of his predecessor. Firoze Tughluq’s immedi-
ate task was to pacify the subjects and restore law and order.
He handled the situation very tactfully and initiated a state
policy on a conciliatory note. Khwaja Fakhr Shadi, the accoun-
tant general ( majmuadar ) of the finance ministry had faithfully
maintained the registers of those who had been advanced loans
by Muhammad bin Tughluq to the tune of two crorbs of rupees
‘for the purpose of restoring the land, villages and quarters which
had fallen into ruin during the famine ’. 68 He also presented to
the Sultan the detailed lists of those nobles and citizens of Delhi
who had received bounties from Khwaja-i-Jahan as a price for
extending the support to his puppet Sultan. On the advice of his
prime minister Khan-i-Jahan Maqbul, the Sultan wrote off all
the debts of the agriculturists and others. He did not take any
action against those who had collaborated with Khwaja-i-Jaban
nor asked them to return the wealth they had acquired from him.
The records of debts and lists of the collaborators were brought
in the open court, and actually thrown in water and destroyed 69
to the great relief of the people. Firoze Tughluq traced the victims
of Muhammad bin Tughluq’s tyranny and relieved their distress;
he obtained deeds of satisfaction from them which were buried
in the tomb of the deceased Sultan, apparently ‘to ensure peace
to the departed soul’ and help it ‘on the Day of Judgement’. This
action of Firoze Tughluq, though based on a blind religious con-
viction, proved very helpful to him in winning the confidence and
support of the masses; in a way, the Sultan recounted the oppres-
sive deeds of his predecessor and made amends for them.

i

Firoze Tughluq revised the penal code by softening the puni-
shments which were made more humane; brutal punishments
based on physical torture and amputation of organs were abo-
lished . 70 The judicial set up was overhauled and even-handed

68. Afif, Tarikh i Firoze Shahi ; p 287.

69 ibid-, pp. 287-88.

70. “In the reigns of former kings, . . many varieties of torture were employed.
Amputation of hands and feet, ears and noses, tearing out the eyes, pour-
ing molten lead into the throat crushing the bones of the hands and feet
with mallets, burning the body with fire, driving iron nails into the hands,
feet and bosom, cutting the sinews, sawing men asunder; these and many
similar tortures were practised. The great and merciful God made me.
His servant, hope and seek for His mercy by devoting myself to prevent
the unlawful killing of Musalmans, and the infliction of any kind of torture
upon them or upon any men .

228

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

justice administered to all The Sultan increased the salaries of
the civil servants and the army. By way of an innovation, he
ordered that instead of mentioning the name of the reigning sove-
reign alone, the names pf all the important Sultans of Delhi be
referred to in the Friday khutba, read at the Jama Masjid of the
capital . 71

Fiscal Reforms: The next problem that confronted Firoze
Tughluq was the near economic bankruptcy of the state; he was
concious of the fact that, in order to obtain stability of his rule,
general economic health of the country should be improved, royal
treasury replenished and the financial credit of the government
restored. He, therefore, took keen interest in the revenue esta-
blishment though he was not an expert in financial affairs by any
means. He thoroughly revised the fiscal policy of his predecessors
with the twin objects of ensuring adequate state revenues and
reducing the burden on the tax payers. He imparted a theocratic
tinge to the taxation policy by abolishing as many as twenty-three
cesses, including the unpopular grazing and the house taxes.
According to the sanction of the Islamic law, only four taxes
were retained; these were kliaraj , zakat, jizya and khamsJ 9 The
rate of kliaraj— the land revenue, was considerably lowered and
brought to one-tenth of the estimated produce, to the great relief
of the agriculturists. The earlier Sultans of Delhi, particularly
Alauddin Khalji, used to acquire from the soldiers four-fifth of
the booty obtained during the war as khams, but Firoze Tughluq,
following strictly the Islamic injunctions, reversed the ratio and
wanted his soldiers to pay only one-fifth of such spoils to the state
exchequer ; 73 the soldiery must have benefitted immensely from
this measure. On the other hand, in order to show his religious
zeal, the Sultan extended the scope of the jizya by levying it on
the Brahmins also, who had previously been exempt from this tax.
At a later stage, Firoze Tughluq introduced, with the approval
of the theologians, an irrigation tax at ten per cent of the produce
of the lands which were irrigated by the state-constructed canals.
The Sultan deputed Khwaja Hisamuddin Junaid to prepare a
rough estimate of the public revenues of the state. He, accom-
panied by a large body of the staff, travelled through the kingdom
for six years and, after examining the revenue records of the various
provinces, assessed the revenue expected from the khalsa lands
(under the direct administrative control of the centre) at six crore

Thanks for God’s mercies I will show,

By causing men nor pain nor woe.”

—ibid; p. 375.

71. The list included the name of Shihabuddin Muhammad Ghori but excluded
- that of Qutubbin Aibek.

72. Sultan Firoze Shah Tughluq, Futuhat i Firoze Shahi; F&D, III, P- 377.
For elaboration, refer to chapter 10 of the present study.

73. Futuhat i Firoze Shahi; op. cit; para 4. p. 377.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

229

and eighty-five lakh tankas. Various rough and ready methods,
based on local traditions and customs, were adopted for the assess-
ment of land revenue; the scientific principles of the measurement
of land and determination of the state demand on the actual
produce of the soil, were totally discarded. Nevertheless, Firoze
Tughluq attempted to prescribe the state demand on a more or
less permanent basis. It helped him in ensuring a steady rlow
of revenues into the exchequer and regulating the expenditure of
the state in accordance with the income.

Firoze Tughluq permitted the collection of jizya. through
coercive means; otherwise, his revenue officials were under strict
intstructions not to make demands ‘in excess of the regular govern-
ment dues’, and those found guilty of ‘any such exaction’ had to
make ‘full reparation’. 74 Firoze Tughluq’s motto was;

“Better a people’s weal than treasures vast.

Better an empty chest than hearts downcast.” 75

The interests of the agriculturists were well-protected during
tne regime of Firoze Tughluq. The Sultan constructed four or
five fine canals which irrigated a large tract of land in the vicinity
of Delhi, including Hissar (mod. Haryana). New agricultural
settlements sprang up along the banks of these canals. According
to Afif, 150 wells were sunk at state expense to provide drinking
water to the travellers and for irrigation. Firoze Tughluq is
said to have laid out 1200 state-managed fruit gardens in the neigh-
bourhood of the capital. Their produce was sold in the open
market ; it brought substantial income to the exchequer besides
providing rich and nutritive food to the royal household and the
populace of Delhi. Firoze Tughluq also helped in the extension
and promotion of the internal trade and commerce by abolishing
vexatious taxes and reducing the octroi duties. All these measures
benefited the country immensely ; agricultural production in-
creased, trade and commerce was revived and the countryside
rehabilitated where the 'raiyats grew rich and were satisfied’. It
warded off the famines and ushered in an era of peace and
prosperity. We have it on the testimony of Afif that

"abundance of the necessaries of life prevailed in the reign of
Firoze Shah, -not only in the capital, but throughout his
dominions. During the whole forty years of his reign, there
was no appearance of scarcity, and the times were so
happy that the people of Delhi forgot the reign of Alauddin,
although no more prosperous times than this {sic) had ever
fallen to the lot of any Muhammadan sovereign. 76

74. Afif.Tarikh; pp. 289-90.

75. Futuhat; p. 377.

76. Tarikh; p. 344.

230

advanced study in the history OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Afif makes an interesting comparison between the ‘plenty and
cheapness’ that prevailed during the reigns of A'lauddin Khaljr and
Firoze Tughluq as follows :

“In the reign of Alauddin, the necessaries of life were abun-
dant through excellent management, but through the favour
of God, grain continued cheap throughout the reign of
Firoze Shah, without any effort on his part. Grain was so
cheap that, in the city of Delhi, wheat was eight jitals a man,
and grain and barley four jitals a man. A camp follower
could give his horse a feed of ten sirs (seers) of com ( dalida )
for one jital. Fabrics of all kinds were cheap, and silk
goods, both white and coloured, were of moderate price .” 57

Firoze Tughluq’s agrarian policy was in no way progressive
or scientific. Instead of stream-lining the state machinery in the
matters of revenue assessment and collection, the Sultan entrusted
the work to the bidders, contractors and middlemen. The revenue
officials were liberally provided but through rent-free land
grants. Firoze Tughluq revived the jagir system with a vengeance ;
the whole kingdom was parcelled out into fiefs and the fiefs
into districts which were held by the regional and local govern-
ment officials almost as personal estates. In addition to the land
grants, the nobility as well as the bureaucracy received fat
allowances which enabled them to accumulate large fortunes. The
nobles enjoyed considerable powers in the internal administrative
affairs of their rent-free holdings which cut at the very roots of
the uniformity of administration and integrity of the central
authority. The system of granting lands or assignments (itlak)
upon the revenues were extended even to the junior ranks which
did an incalculable harm, in the long run, to the army establish-
ment as well as the state. The soldiers on active duty were unable
to collect the revenues by themselves and sold out their assign-
ment deeds at a discount to the professional revenue collectors
or middlemen. Afif writes that

“It was the practice of certain persons in those days to buy
up these assignments, which was an accommodation to
both Parties. They used to give one-third of the value for
them in the city and receive one-half in the districts. The
purchasers of these assignments carried on a traffic in them,
and gaining a good profit, many of them got rich and made
their fortunes .” 78

This evil practice robbed the soldiers of their officially dec-
lared emoluments, sapped the vitality of the state and ultimate-
ly ruined the cultivators as they were fleeced by the contractors

77. ibid\ p.345.

78. Tarikh i Firoze Shahi; pp. 345-46.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

231

and middlemen who grew more and more influential and
powerful with the passage of time ; in the absence of a strong
incentive and support from the centre, the officials could do
pretty little against them. The agrarian reforms of Firoze Tughluq,
therefore, did more harm than good to the peasants as well as the
state economy in the long run.

Public Welfare Works : Sultan Firoze Tughluq was a great
philanthropist ; he exerted himself for the well-being of ffiis
subjects. While referring to his public welfare activities, he spoke
in the tone of a religious bigot who apparently intended to do
everything for his co-religionists ; albeit many of his philanthropic
deeds benefitted all the people— Muslims as well as Hindus
alike. He regarded the uplift of the poor and the down-
trodden as his religious and moral duty. In the Futuhat i Firoze
Shahi, which was, in fact, a written sermon, delivered to the
Friday mass of the jama masjid of Firozabad, the Sultan expressed
the desire that

“to the best of my human power, I should recount and pay
my thanks for the many blessings God has bestowed upon me
so that I may be found among the number of his servants ” 79

Firoze Tughluq set up a separate department, called the diwan
i khair&t, for the help of the poor and the needy ( fukra wa
maskin). One of its functions was to make arrangements for the
marriages of the poor Muslim girls at state expense. God-fearing
and extremely humble in his disposition, the Sultan paid regard
to the holymen, repaired the tombs of the sufi saints, created
endowment funds through grant of lands for the maintenance of
khanqahs and looked after the comforts of the fakirs and all
those devoted to religious pursuits. He introduced the practice of
granting old-age pensions, and opened an employment bureau to
find work for the unemployed. Of course, a step of misplaced
generosity taken by Firoze Tughluq was that he began to offer civil
and military services to the persons for life, and some of the
higher offices were made almost hereditary . 80 He ran charitable
kitchens to provide free food to the poor, constructed serais along
the roads and opened rest houses for the pilgrims ‘resorting to the
tombs of illustrious kings and celebrated saints’. The Sultan him-
self writes that

79 Futuhat i Firoze Shahi; E&D, III, p. 375.

80. In the words of Sultan Firoze Tughluq,

“When any government servant filling an important and responsible
position was carried off under the decrees of God to the happy future
life, I gave his place and employment to his son so that he might
occupy the same position and rank as his father and suffer no injury.’
‘Kings should make their rule of life
To love the great and wise;

And when death ends this mortal strife,

To dry their loved ones’ eyes.’

— Futuhat i Firoze Shahi ; p.387.

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ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

“for providing the things necessary in these hoiy places, I
confirmed and gave effect to the grants of villages, lands, and
other endowments which had been conferred upon them in
olden times. In those cases where no endowment or pro-
vision had been settled, I made an endowment, so that these
establishments might for ever be secure of an income, to
afford comfort to travellers and wayfarers, to holy men and
learned men . 81

Firoze Tughluq opened a magnificent charitable hospital
(daru sh shifu) in the capital for the benefit of ‘all sick persons,
residents and travellers, gentle and simple, bond and free ’. 82
Qualified physicians were appointed to attend to the outdoor as
well as indoor patients who were supplied free medicines and food.
The provincial officers were expected to emulate the example of
the Sultan in opening such charitable institutions and hospitals
within the areas of their jurisdiction.

As a benevolent ruler, the Sultan constructed canals, repaired
the old tanks and dug wells to irrigate the fields and provide
water for drinking and washing purposes. The grand Houz i Haiti
or tank of Alauddin Khalji in Delhi had been put into disuse and
was filled up with earth. The people ‘carried on cultivation in
it, and had dug wells, of which they sold water ’. 83 The Sultan
cleaned it out so that this great tank might again be filled from
year to year’. Similarly, the Houze i Shamsi or tank of Iltutmish
had been ‘deprived of water by some graceless men, who stopped
up the channels of supply’. Firoze Tughluq punished those
‘incorrigible men severely, and opened again the closed up chan-
nels ’ 84 for the public benefit.

Firoze Tughluq took keen interest in the promotion of edu-
cation and learning. He was a great patron of scholars and
writers; the maulvis and the ulama received liberal subsistence
allowances from the state. He opened many schools (maktabs)
and colleges ( madrasas ) in important towns; these and the nume-
rous elementary schools attached to the mosques throughout the
sultanate were liberally provided by the state. The madarsa o
Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutmish in the capital had been closed and
its building lay in ruins. Firoze Tughluq reconstructed n
building, ‘furnished it with sandal-wood doors 8 and transform
it into a living institution of higher learning once again. 1
Firoze Shahi Madrasa at Firozabad, though newly founded, rose
to be a magnificent university which surpassed all other madrasa

81. ibid; p. 385.

82. ibid.

83. ibid; p. 383.

84. Fuluhat i Firoze Shahi; p. 383.

85. ibid.

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

233

of the time in academic attainments; most of the educational
institutions promoted Islamic studies. It is said that Firoze
Tughluq got some Sanskrit books, particularly dealing with reli-
gious philosophy and astrology, translated into Persian; the
translation of one such work, acquired from the conquest of
Nagarkot, was entitled Dalayal i Firoze Shahi . B 6

Firoze Tughluq carried out extensive reforms in the minting
of coins. The poor quality of coins produced by Muhammad
bin Tughluq had encouraged the imitators and forgers to let
down the state currency. It seems to have left a deep imprint on
the mind of Firoze Tughluq who was ever eager to improve the
quality of coins so as to restore their credit with the people. Khan-
i-Jahan Maqbul, the prime minister, when asked by the Sultan to
express his opinion on the subject, once observed that

“the coinage of kings was like an .unmarried daughter, whom
no one would seek after, however beautiful and charming
she might be, if any aspersion had, either rightly or wrongly,
been cast upon her character. So also with royal coins, if
any one honestly or falsely, from interested motives, alleged
a deterioration of the coinage, the insinuation would spread,
the coinage would obtain a bad name, and no one would
take it ’’. 87

The idea of token currency had thus failed to carry convic-
tion with the people; nevertheless, the state currency had a sancti-
ty of its own. The gold and silver coins, though based originally
on the intrinsic value of the metals contained therein, ought to
be such that they should not lose credibility of the people with
the fluctuations in their price level year after year. Being cons-
cious of this fact, Firoze Tughluq improved the technique of
minting and issued several varieties of standard coins. Besides
the gold and silver tankas , he produced beautiful coins of the
respective value of forty-eight (chihal o hashtgani), twenty-five,
twenty-four, twelve, ten, eight and six ( shashgani ) jittals, which
contained silver in due proportions, mixed with the other metals.
He produced in abundance the fractional currency of the lowest
denominations, all made of copper and bronze; it comprised a
jittal, a half jittal called adlta, and a quaiter jittal called bikh, to
facilitate transactions in trade and commerce at mass-level. Much
of the fractional currency used by the public in their daily tran-
sactions was nothing but token in character, yet it enjoyed full
confidence of the people. That is how Firoze Tughluq tactfully
transformed minting into a ‘source of income’ for the state. None
raised an eyebrow nor mistrusted the intentions of the Sultan
when he populaiised the extensive circulation of the token

86. Firishta (Briggs); I, pp. 454-62.

87. Afif, Tarikh; p. 358.

234

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

currency, the use of pure gold and silver coins was confined to the
business and state transactions at the highest levels only.

Firoze Tughluq was a builder par excellence. He founded
new cities, added new townships to the existing urban habitats,
built forts, palaces, mosques, tombs, water reservoirs caravan
serais, bridges, canals, public baths, laid out gardens, and opened
schools, colleges, hospitals and charity houses. He founded the
cities of Fatehabad, Hissar Firoza (mod. Hissar), Jaunpur and
Firozabad, now known as Kotla Firozshah, a part of the metro-
polis. The sultan showed keen interest in the preservation of
old monuments and carried out extensive repairs to most of the
tombs and public buildings of his predecessors. Though ignorant
of the real significance of the Ashokan pillars, Firoze Tughluq
got two of them brought to Delhi — one from Topra (district
Ambala) and the other from Meerut, and transplanted them at
the new township of Firozabad.

Firoze Tughluq is said to have established 36 state-owned
factories ( karkhanas ) for the manufacture of various accessaries
of life and luxurious good for use by the royalty and the public.
These were managed by a special branch of the diwan i wazarat,
called the diwan khana. The labour force was provided by the
slaves who were imparted technical training so that they might
become useful members of the society. Consciously or uncons-
ciously, Firoze Tughluq gave an inducement to the expansion of
the system of slavery or bonded labour. He is said to have
1,80,000 slaves who were attached to the royAi establishment
alone; 40,000 of them mounted guards at the royal palace for the
defence of the capital and protection of the royal family. The
Sultan encouraged the practice of enslaving the prisoners of war
and sometimes organised raids into the territories of the ‘infidel’
principalities simply with the object of securing slaves who were
forcibly converted to Islam. The provincial governors and no-
bility were under instructions to supply more and more of the
slaves as a part of their royal liabilities or annual tribute. The
sultan demanded unqualified loyalty and • service from the slaves;
though paid liberally by the sultan, most of them did not re-
concile themselves to the loss of personal liberties nor did they
develop the feelings' of loyalty to the ruling family or the state. They
served the sultan during his life time but wreaked their vengeance
upon the members of the royal family after his death; they un-
hesitatingly chopped off the heads of the princes and hung them
at the gates of the royal court.

Firoze Tughluq was an orthodox sunni Musalman: he resorted
to religious bigotry as a matter of state policy, albeit by virtue of
his gentle und humane nature, he could not afford to be cruel and
inhuman towards the non-Muslims in actual practice. He suffered
from an inferiority complex that he had been born of a Hindu

TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

235

mother: therefore, in order to establish his credibility as the
sovereign of an ‘Islamic state’ and leader of the ‘faithful’, he
publicly demonstrated contempt for Hinduism and displayed
extraordinary zeal for Islam. He was equally intolerant of the
shias and other Muslim dissenters. He always attempted to win
the goodwill and support of the ulama and extended the influence
of theologians in the state affairs.

Foreign Policy and Defence

Firoze Tughluq was essentially a man of peace; he abhored
war and bloodshed. Even otherwise, he was a poor military
general who had neither the - courage nor skill to undertake exten-
sive military campaigns. He inherited a fast disintegrating empire
but did not show eagerness to bring back all the lost territories
into the fold of the sultanate. He displayed no- fondness for
conquests. Most of the military campaigns undertaken by him
proved unsuccessful and exposed the poor organisational skill,
lack of direction and incompetence of the Sultan as a general. He
never contemplated the reconquest of the Deccan -peninsula
which was cut off from the sultanate of Delhi for ever:

Bengal had become independent during the reign of Muham-
mad bin Tughluq; Firoze Tughluq made two abortive attempts to
reconquer it. The first expedition against Bengal was. organised
by him in 1353-54. Haji Ilyas, the ruler of Bengal, was defeated
in a bloody encounter but he fled the field and took shelter in the
fort of lkdala. It was promptly besieged by the royalTroops led
by Tatar Khan, the commander in chief. When the victory was
in sight, however, ‘the shrieks and wails’ of women of the fort
aroused the feelings of compassion in the heart of the Sultan, and
he raised the siege on the plea that

“to storm' the fort, put more Musalmans to the sword, and
expose honourable women to ignominy, would be a crime for
which he could not answer on the Day of Judgement, and
which would leave no difference between him and the
Mongols.” 88

The Sultan lacked the courage to pursue the task and
returned to the capital empty-handed to the great chagrin of the
military generals and soldiers while he made himself a laughing
stock of the people.

Haji Ilyas died in 1359 and was succeeded by his son
Sikander Khan as the ruler of Bengal. The arrival of a few
disaffected Bengali ndbles in Delhi, who pleaded with the sultan
to intercede on their behalf, prompted the latter to make yet

88. Aftf, Tarikh; p. 297.

236

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

another attempt to recover Bengal. In 1359-60, he led a grand
army which consisted of 70,000 cavalry, innumerable infantry
470 warlike elephants and many barrier-breaking boats 88 for the
achievement of his objective. Sikander Khan was also besieged
in Ikdala but the royal forces, inspite of their best efforts, were
unable to conquer the fort. To the dismay and humiliation of
the military generals, the Sultan was compelled to raise the siege
and recognise the independence of Bengal for all times to come.
On his return from Bengal, Firoze Tughluq subjugated the Hindu
ruler of Orissa, then called Jajnagar, just by way of boosting
the morale of his otherwise demoralised and disheartened soldiers.
The two unsuccessful expeditions to Bengal resulted in the
wastage of the already dilapidated resources of the sultanate in
men and signalled the deterioration oFthe royal army.

Firoze Tughluq led an expedition (1360-61) for the con-
quest of Nagarko (Kangra) whose Hindu ruler had reasserted
his independence after the death of Muhammad bin Tughluq.
The raja was besieged in the fort while the town of Nagarkot
was occupied by the royal army and put to plunder ; the historic
temple of Jawalamukhi was desecrated. The raja defended him-
self heroically for six months and ultimately got rid of the invader
by offering nominal submission on the promise to pay annual
tribute to Delhi.

The last military campaign of Firoze Tughluq was directed
against Sind (1362-63) which was then ruled by Jam Babiniya
with his headquarters at Thatta. The Sultan laid siege to the
fort but failed to conquer it ; meanwhile, the outbreak of plague
and famine wiped out a quarter of the royal army. Panic-stricken,
the Sultan ordered the retreat of his army towards Gujarat as a
measure of relief but misled it into the dry and barren Rann of
Rutch which took a further toll of life of the soldiers, their
horses and beasts of burden. But for the timely receipt of
reinforcements and provisions from Khan-i-Jahan, the prime
minister in charge of Delhi, the entire royal army would have
perished. Jam Babiniya felt alarmed on the reappearance of the
Sultan with his troops from the Rann and thought it prudent
to offer his submission. He was deposed and replaced by a

member of his family as the feudatory chief under the nominal

suzerainty of Delhi. The military power of the ruling house ot
Sind remained intact ; the new Jam asserted his independence
after some time and Sind was cut off from the sultanate of Delhi
for ever. Thus the Sind expedition, like those of Bengal, also

proved a total failure ; it gave a serious blow to the prestige and

military prowess of the sultanate. The Sultan felt so much, dis-
heartened and demoralised by the mishandling of the military

89. Afif, Tarikh; p. 305.

- TUGHLUQ DYNASTY

237

affairs that he never took courage tb command an expedition
thereafter.

The army establishment of the Tughluq was based on feudal
principles ; the bulk of the contingents of infantry and horsemen
were provided by nobles and the feudal chieftains, albeit Firoze
Tughluq inherited a standing army of eighty to ninety thousand
regular ( wajihi ) troopers from his predecessor. In addition,
the sultan created 40,000 mounted guards from among his slaves
for the protection of the royal household. A large number of
mercenaries were recruited on contract on lump-sum payments
during the course of major campaigns. According to the old
Islamic tradition, Firoze Tughluq had recognised the right of
every soldier to retain four-fifth of the spoils ; it afforded a great
temptation to the people to offer themselves for military service
to the state. The sultan was exceptionally lucky to have acquired
the services of some brilliant military organisers and generals in
the beginning of his reign ; his commander-in-chief Tatar Khan,
ariz-i-matnaHk Malik Bashir entitled Imadul Mulk, and naib
ariz-i-mamalik Malik Razi handled the affairs of the army with
professional skill and competence ; and maintained a fairly good
standard of the royal forces so long as they were -at the helm of
affairs. With the passage of time, however, the ill-conceived,
short-sighted and unprofessional measures adopted by Firoze
Tughluq, ‘marred the discipline and efficiency of the army’. 90
Instead of paying the salaries in cash, the Sultan adopted
the practice of granting Jagirs to the nobles and transferable
assignments on land revenue to the troopers. Acting undo: a
false notion of humane considerations, the Sultan retained the
armed personnel in formal service of the state for life and began
to appoint military- commanders on hereditary basis, thus
bringing into existence a large number of incompetent and ineffi-
cient office-holders and title-holders. He ‘discarded the regu-
lation regarding the record of descriptive rolls, and encouraged
absenteeism and proxy’ as well as the ‘evasion of annual muster
roll’. 91 The entire army establishment came to be infested with
the evils of corruption, favouritism and nepotism. These evils
seriously undermined the discipline and striking power of the
army, sapped its martial spirit and gradually converted it into a
motley crowd of parasites and drones in the garb of soldiers, led
by hereditary military landlords of little professional skill or zeal.
The offensive power of the royal army had been lost during the
reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq ; its defensive teeth were
mercilessly broken by Firoze Tughluq through callous disregard
of the most elementary principles of the army organisation. Of
course, Firoze Tughluq was personally responsible for the decay
and deterioration of the once mighty and ‘invincible army’ of
the sultanate ; ‘the great and historic army of the Delhi empire

90. R.C. Jauhri, Firoze Tughluq; op, cit; p. 121.

91. ibid.

238 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDAI

gradually ceased to exist’ ; 92 and with its disappearance was
sealed the fate of the Tughluq dynasty as well as the sultanate
of Delhi.

The concluding years of Firoze Tughluq’s reign ‘were full of
tragedies, troubles and turmoils’; 93 which he was constrained to
witness owing to his long and inactive life. The advanced age
and failing health incapacitated the Sultan by 1 375-76, necessitating
the delegation of royal powers to the ambitious and arrogant
hereditary prime minister Khan-i-Jahan Juna Khan. The first two
sons of Firoze Tughluq predeceased the sultan while his third son
Muhammad Khan did not pull on nicely with the prime
minister. The latter conspired to liquidate the prince but was
himself killed instead. It triggered off a civil war between the
rival claimants to the throne while the Sultan was still alive. He
breathed his last on September 20, 1388 and was succeeded by
his inexperienced, incompetent and pleasure-seeking grandson
Tughluq Shah. The successors of Firoze Tughluq, being non-enti-
ties, do not deserve place among the sovereign rulers of the
country.

92. Comp. HI, V, p. 606.

93. Jauhri, Firoze Tughluq', p. I SO.

8

Decline and Disintegration

The later Tughluqs

Firoze Tughluq was the last great sultan of Delhi; with him
departed the glory of the sultanate. ’ The process of its decay and
disintegration,- which had begun during the reign of Muhammad
bin Tughluq, gained momentum under Firoze Tughluq, and the
once mighty Turkish empire of Indian was reduced to a petty
principality of Delhi within a decade of the latter’s death. Still
known as the sultanate of Delhi, it suffered the pangs of death dur-
ing the next century and a quarter. All the six successors of Firoze
Tughluq, including a son and five grandsons, who sat on the throne
of Delhi, were phantom rulers who wielded neither substantial
sovereign powers nor possessed sufficient territories under their
effective control. Amir Timur’s invasion of 1398 took away the
last semblance of royalty professed by the princes of the Tughluq
dynasty. The sultanate exhibited a sign of ' recovery under the
Lodhis albeit that was like ‘the last flicker of the dying lamp’; 1 2 the
guns of Babar sounded the death-knell of the sultanate in the first
historic battle of Panipat on April 21, 1526.

The Later Tughluqs 0 ' (1388-1414)

Firoze Tughluq was succeeded by one of his grandsons — Tugh-
luq Shah, who assumed the title of Ghiasuddin Tughluq II. He
was a son of Fateh Khan, the eldest son of Firoze Tughhiq, who
had died (1374 a.d.) during the lifetime of his father. Being an
inexperienced and pleasure-seeking youth, he failed to establish
his hold over the royal household and the court. His claim to
the throne was disputed by prince Muhammad Shah, the third
surviving son of Firoze Tughluq and some other members of the

1. K.S. Lai, Twilight of the Sultanate ; APH, 1963; p 1.

2. For the most reliable account of the successors oF Firoze Tughluq by the
near contemporary source, refer to Firishta (Briggs), I, pp 466-84.

240

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

royal family; they were supported by the rival factions of nobility
at the court. Ghiasuddin Tughluq II fell a victim to the intrigues
and was beheaded on February 19, 1389.

Ghiasuddin Tughluq II was succeeded by Abu Bakr, 3 another
grandson of Firoze Tughluq, on the throne of Delhi while
Muhammad Shah set up as an independent ruler with his head-
quarters. at Samana. It triggered off a civil war between the two
rival claimants to the throne, in which Muhammad Shah scored a
victory and made a triumphant entry into the capital in August
1390. Abu Bakr was imprisoned in the fort of Meerut where he
died after some time. Sultan Muhammad Shah failed to muster
support of the provincial governors and died of ill-health in
January 1394. His son and successor Humayun ascended the
throne with the title of Alauddin Sikander Shah; he was the fourth
prince to sit on the throne of Delhi after Firoze Tughluq. He died
a premature death in March 1394. A faction of the nobles
installed his younger brother, then hardly a lad of ten, on the
throne of Delhi, with the title of Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah. A
rival party put up Nusrat Shah, 4 5 another prince of the Tughluq
dynasty, as the sultan at Firozabad— a suburb of the capital; thus
the metropolis of Delhi came to have two sultans. The rival
factions grinned at each other with drawn-out swords and occasion-
ally the streets of Delhi were smeared with blood while their puppet
sultans wore the crowns like the clowns and played hide and seek
with each other like the proverbial ‘kings of the game of chess’.
This state of affairs continued for about three years ‘with astonish-
ing equality; for if one monarch’s party had at any time the
superiority, the balance was soon restored by the neutral chiefs’. 6
AS a result, ‘the government fell into anarchy; civil war raged
everywhere; and a scene was exhibited, unheard of before, of two
kings in arms against each other residing in the same capital.’ 4

Many of the provincial governors and military generals took
little interest in the fratricidal war that raged between the rival
claimants to the throne of Delhi; instead, they sat on the fence for
a while, occasionally giving a hand in confusing the issues and
protracting the civil war. Then they diverted their attention away
from the strife-torn capital and asserted their independence, the
feudal Hindu chieftains add landlords also followed suit and
attempted to carve out independent principalities and estates for
themselves. In the process, the sultanate of Delhi was itself
reduced to a small regional si ate, ravaged by the rival armies of

3. Son of Zafar Khan, the second son of Firoze Tughluq, who had also
predeceased his father.

4. The youngest brother of Ghiasuddin Tughluq IT and son of Fateh Khun
the eldest son of Firoze Tughluq.

5. Firishta (Briggs), I, p 481.

6. ibid.

DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION 241

the Tughluq princes whose collective sway did not extend beyond
the suburbs of Delhi and a part of the Doab.

Towards the fall of 1397, news was received that the advance-
guard of Amir Timur of Samirqand had crossed the Indus and
followed the southwesterly course towards Uchh and Multan.
It aggravated the civil war between the supporters of Nusrat Shah
and Mahmud Shah for mastery over Delhi. Nusrat Shah fled the
capital after about two months’ life and death struggle and sought
shelter in the Doab while Delhi was left in the hands of Mahmud
Shah’s party, led by Mallu Iqbal; the latter was the de facto ruler
and the Sultan a mere puppet in his hands. Mallu Iqbal and
Sultan Mahmud Tughluq put up a feeble resistance against Amir
Timur but failed to stem the tide and took to their heels, leaving
the populace of Delhi at the mercy of the invader. Delhi and its
people were robbed', disgraced and made to pay the price in blood
as if for having tolerated, with an attitude of indifference, the
misrule of incompetent and worthless successors of Firoze
Tughluq.

After the return of Timur, Sultan Nusrat Shah was thr jfirst to
enter Delhi and claim sovereignty over the ravaged town in March
1399. He was followed close upon his heels by Mallu Iqbal, and
the old, feud was revived over the debris of the once flourishing
"human dwellings and decaying corpses of the victims of Timur.
Nusrat Shah was turned out of Delhi once again and forever;
deserted by his followers and kingmakers, he died in ignominy
somewhere in Mewat.

Mallu Khan reasserted his authority over the suburbs of Delhi
and a part of the Doab, albeit he did not dare to assume the title
of the sultan as some members of the erstwhile ruling bouse of the
Tughluqs were still in the field who claimed the estate of Delhi as
their ancestral heritage. In 1401, he called back Sultan Mahmud
Tughluq from his wanderings in Gujarat and Malwa and attempted
to exploit his name for the establishment of a strong kingdom for
himself. The time had, however, changed; Mahmud, now a
grown-up youth, refused to play as a tool in his hands and claimed
the sovereignty of Delhi in his own right. They fell out with each
other, resulting in the expulsion of Mahmud from Delhi; the latter
retreated to Kanauj, captured the town by force and set up his
court there. Mallu Iqbal was killed in an encounter with Khizr
Khan 7 of Multan in 1405, which enabled Mahmud Tughluq to
stage a come back to Delhi. To his great chagrin, a new set of
king makers, led by one Daulat Khan, emerged on the scene and
compelled Mahmud to be content with his position as the
puppet sultan of Delhi. Totally disheartened and disillusioned by
these developments, Sultan Mahmud resorted to drinking and

7. Later the founder of the Sayyad dynasty.

242

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

debauchery and died a physical and mental wreck in 1412 s ; he was
the last Turkish sultan of Delhi.

During the next year and a half, Daulat Khan was the de facto
ruler of Delhi. He did not assume any royal title; instead, he
continued to strike coins in the name of the Tughluqs till March
1414 when Delhi was besieged by the army of Khizr Khan of
Multan. Daulat Khan suffered a defeat and died in captivity at
Hissar while Khizr Khan ascended the throne of Delhi on May 28,
1414 and laid the foundation of the Sayyad dynasty so called.

Invasion of Amir Timur (1398-99)

Northern India fell a victim to the fury of Amir Timur and his
marauding hordes in 1398-99. Nicknamed Timur-i~Lang 9 — ‘Timur
the Lame’, he was one of the greatest monarchs of Central Asia,
the second most barbaric, blood-thirsty and awe-inspiring warrior
after Chengiz Khan, who sat on the throne of Samarqand. He
was born in 1336 at Kesh or shahr i sabz — ‘the green city’, situated
about 50 miles to the south of Samarqand. His mother’s name
was Taghina Khatun while his father Amir Turghay was the chief
of the Gurgan 10 or Chaghtai branch of the Barlas Turks. After
the death of his father (1361 ad), he had to fight a life and death
struggle against his own kith and kin for about a decade until he
was acknowledged chief of the Chaghtai Turks and ascended the
throne at Samarqand in 1370. He waged ruthless wars against the
adjoining countries and established his sway over the whole of
Central Asia, including Persia and Afghanistan; it is said that
during the caseless welfare carried on by him for over thirty-five
years after 1370, he never suffered defeat in any battle.

Amir Timur thought of invading India in 1397 with the two-
fold object of waging a holy war against the ‘infidels’ 11 and laying

8. Firishta (Briggs), I, p. 504,

9. He was wounded (1363 AD) by an arrow in the leg during an encounter
with a Siestani army in southern Afghanistan, which maimed nun for life;
therefore, he became known as Aksak (one who limps) among his Turkish
enemies while the Persians called him Tiniur-i-Lang; the term was
corrupted in its use by the European scholars into Tamartane.

10. From gurg — ‘a wolf', which was the insignia of the ruling family of
Timur; his great grand father (Qarachar Nuyan) was wazir of Chaghati
Khan.

11. Between the two proposed targets — China and India, his counsellors
expressed themselves in favour of Indian invasion. About his main
objective in launching this campaign, Amir Timur writes in hts memoirs ;

“My object in the invasion of Hindustan is to lead an expeditio n
against the infidels... we may convert to the true faith the people of
that country, and purify the land from the filth of infidelity and
polytheism; and that we may overthrow (heir temples and idols and
become ghazis and mujahtds before God.”

— Tuzuk i Jlrgurt; E &D, III, p, 397,

DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION

243

his hands upon the fabulous wealth of the country. 12 His mouth
must have watered to hear of the treasure-trove of ‘the golden
sparrow of the east’ about whose immense wealth he attempts to
form a mental picture by chewing the figures of its state revenues :

, “My wazirs informed nie that the whole amount of the revenue
of India is six arts; now each arb is a 100 krors, and each
kror is a 100 lacs, and each lac is a 100,000 miskals of silver. 18

The political anarchy that prevailed in India facilitated his task.
He received report 14 about the civil strife between the Indian
nobles, and the collapse of the central authority of Delhi, from his
grandson Pit Muhammad who led the advance-guard from Kabul
into India towards the end of 1397. He crossed the unguarded
Khyber Pass without any opposition and led his army along the
Indus. After the conquest of Uchh, he laid siege to Multan, then
held by Sarang Khan, a brother of Mallu Khan, the de facto ruler
of Delhi. The besieged garrison offered a gallant resistance to tht
invader and the siege was protracted. It was here that Pir
Muhammad wrote 16 to Amir Timur and sought his advice and
support. Timur’s ‘previous resolution’ regarding thejnvasion of
India was ‘confirmed and strengthened’, and he left Samarqand at
the head of 92,000 cavalry in March 1398; he was then 62. He
crossed the Indus in September, defeated the Khokhars and then
marched towards Multan which was conquered by Pir Muhammad
after six months’ siege before the arrival of the main army of
invasion. Amir Timur carried fire and sword into the southwestern
Punjab and ravaged all the important towns including Tulamba,
Pakpattan, Dipalpur, Bhatnair, Fatehabad, Sirsa, Sunam, Kaithal
and Panipat. He reached in the vicinity of Delhi in December and
occupied Jahannuma, the palace constructed by Firoze Tughluq on
the bank of the Yamuna at a distance of about six miles from old
Delhi. A lakh of the Hindus, taken prisoners from northwestern
India by the invaders, were mercilessly put to the sword on the

12. Prince Muhammad Sultan told Amir Timur that—

The whole country of India is full of gold and jewels, and in it there
are seventeen mines of gold and silver> diamond and ruby and emerald
and tin and iron and steel and copper aad quicksilver, etc., and of the
plants which grow there are those fit for making wearing apparel, and
aromatic plants, and the sugar-cane, and it is a country which is
always green and verdant, and the whole aspect of the country is
pleasant and delightful. Now, since the inhabitants are chiefly
polytheists and infidels and idolators and worshippers of the sun, by
the order of God and his prophet, it is right for us to conquer them.
ibid; pp. 396-97.

13. Tuzuk i Timuri; p. 397.

14. ibid; pp. 398-99.

15. ibid; p. 399 ,

244

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

orders of Amir Timur lest they might create trouble for them
during their conflict with the army of Delhi. 16

Mallu Iqbal and Sultan Mahmud Tughluq fought an action
with the invaders on December 17, 1398 at the head of 10 000
cavalry, 40,000 foot and 125 elephants but were defeated 17 and
fled; Maliu retreated to Bulandshahr while Mahmud escaped to
Gujarat. Timur made a triumphant entry into Delhi the next day,
the leading citizens and ulama of the capital waited upon the
victor and sought mercy for the inhabitants. Amir Timur agreed
to spare their lives and was accorded reception by the populace of
Delhi. He stayed in the capital for fifteen days only. The fabulous
wealth of th6 ex-rulers of Delhi and the nobility, including
invaluable treasures, horses and elephants fell into his hands;
besides, he received immense wealth and supplies from the citizens
as ‘the contributions laid upon the city’; albeit his turbulent soldiers
were bent upon loot and plunder. One day ‘a party of fierce Turk
soldiers’, ‘laid violent hands upon the goods of the inhabitants’, 18
the latter resisted, and in the scuffle that followed, some soldiers of
Timur were killed. In a fit of rage, Timur ordered a general
massacre of the populace of Delhi. The bloody carnage continued
for five days! Amir Timur himself describes the sack of Delhi in
the following words y

The flames of strife were thus lighted and spread through the
whole city from Jahanpanah and Siri to Old Delhi. The
savage Turks fell to killing and plundering. The Hindus set
fire to their houses with their own hands, burned their wives
and children in them, and rushed into the fight and were
killed. The Hindus and gabrs of the city showed much alacrity
and boldness in fighting. On that day, Thursday, and all the
night of Friday, nearly 15,000 Turks were engaged in slaying,
plundering and destroying. When morning broke out on
Friday, all my army, no longer under control, went off to the
city and thought of nothing but killing, plundering and making
prisoners

...the spoil was so great that each man secured from fifty to a
hundred prisoners, men, women and children. There was no

16. 'Maulana Nasiruddin Umar, a counsellor and man of learning, who, in
all his life, had never killed a sparrow, now, in execution of my order, slew
with his sword, fifteen idolatrous Hindus, who were his captives.

— Tuzuk i Timuri; p. 436.

17. Amir Timur pays tribute to the army of Delhi in the following words :

The soldiers of sultan Mahmud and Mallu Khan showed no lack ol
courage, but bore themselves manfully in the fight, still they could not
withstand the successive assaults of my soldiers. Seeing their own
plight and" that of the soldiers and elephants around them, tncir
courage fell, and they took to flight.

— ibid; p. 441.

18. Tuzuk i Timuri; E&D, III, p. 445.

/

245

decline and disintegration

s.axsja'ss^a'iSri

rr&33sSrSSSj=s

„TSe Htadu women were obtained in snob quantities as to
exceed all account.

Excepting the quarter of the «**, the ulema
SnSnttis des°,iny for the people of^dtj. Ahhough
towill' rf God ’thSftkcalaSty should fall upon the city.**

When a lakh of the hungry wolves difflcu?t°to

upon the defenceless = te between Hindus and Muslims

perceive how they could discrim savv jds and maulvis, because

niasons^and craftsme^botfi Hindus and Muslims, who were taken
to Central Asia to slave for the victors.

On his return march Timur ^omealong the

Hardwar, and then followed a mo , enroute to Lahore

foothills Kangra and Jammu were rava« for ^

where he stayed for a while or( j er ^imur appointed

despatch of his troops in a n d who had been expelled

Khizr Khan, erstwhile governor of Multan, WM mor Qf Lahore>

from there by his rival Sarang Kri > t he political

Multan and Dipalpur. Tuzuk i Timur i is sileni ta ^ ^ India;

settlement made for Delhi; Timur n Samarqand, could not be

and Delhi being situated far away from Samarqan^^ ^ ^

held under control by him’, therefor , aut horised by him to act
over Delhi. Probably, Khizr Khan was W« wit h booty, the
as his viceroy in Delhi also. H y the j n dus in March
victorious army of Amir Timur cros 1405 aD d was buried in

1399 en route to Samarqand. H , Indian craftsmen at

a splendid mausoleum constructed by the men

Samarqand.

The invasion of Amir Timur had disastr oui s India.

political, socio-cultural and econom scourge of God’ and

Timur descended upon the eournry ^ whole of north-

wrought untold miseries upon its pe p • f t he Doab, was
western region, including Delta and a .part ^ oflts

trampled under feet by the TurKisn

19. ibid; p. 446.

246

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

incalculable wealth; dozens of big towns were sacked and deva-
stated; hundreds of villages razed to the ground and totally wiped
out, and millions of innocent men, women and children put to the
sword. The male piisoners were used as beasts of burden to carry
the spoils on their heads for their victors to theirhomelands; many
of them died of hunger and fatigue on the way. Thousands of
Indian women were enslaved, dishonoured and humiliated.

The cultural and industrial development of northwestern India
came to a standstill as a result of the extensive destruction of
magnificent monuments, libraries and karkhanas. The whole region
ransacked by the invaders was deprived of most of the talented
craftsmen, artisans, mechanics and artists who were taken as slaves
to Central Asia. Of course, they constructed public buildings,
palaces, forts and mausoleums for their masters and contributed
towards the industrial and cultural development of central Asia.

The entire administrative set up of northern India was thrown
out of gear by Timur’s onslaught. The people who escaped death
or enslavement at the hands of his soldiers were left without
adequate protection from the defunct governmental authority of
the land. Political anarchy encouraged the thieves, highwaymen
and other anti-social elements to create havoc among the helpless .
people. The socio-economic life of the countryside having been
dislocated, the agricultural production stopped resulting in the
scarcity of foodstuffs and the rise of prices; Timur left behind
famine, disease and misery for the inhabitants of northwestern
India. Never before had so much harm been done by any invader
to India in a single onslaught; the vandalism displayed by Mahmud
of Ghazni during his Indian campaigns pales into insignificance
before the atrocities committed by the marauders of Amir Timur
on the unarmed and defenceless citizens.

Amir Timur gave a fatal blow to the Tughluq dynasty and the
sultanate of Delhi. It was an irony of fate that the grand edifice
of the sultanate which had been raised by the strenuous efforts of
the Turkish leader Muhammad Ghori and his brilliant Turkish
slave generals should be razed to the ground mercilessly, two
centuries later, by Amir Timur, the greatest Turkish warrior of his
day. Delhi, once the metropolis of an extensive Islamic empire in
the subcontinent, and the hub of Islamic culture and civilisation to
the east of Baghdad, lay in ruins, with its debris, soaked in the
blood of its unfortunate citizens. It was not a mere sack of the
city by Timur; he insulted, humiliated and disgraced a magnificent
creation of the civilised world in a most barbaric and inhuman
manner; he robbed the city not only of its wealth but also honour,
dignity and self-respect. Delhi stood downgraded in the _ estima-
tion of the people and lost its glory and prestige as the imperial
capital of India for a long time to come. Anarchy prevailed
everywhere in the country. The fear of any central authority

DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION

247

taking its roots in Delhi in the near future having disappeared, the
warlords of average abilities and narrow regional outlooks, raised
their heads and started a scramble for territorial possessions, thu s
making the confusion worse confounded. Timur’s invasion
guaranteed the consolidation and prosperity of two strong king-
doms — Bahmani and Vijayanagar, in the south, albeit no such
political power emerged in northern and central India which could
fill up the vacuum, caused by the decline of the sultanate, on an
extensive scale. The process of disintegration of the sultanate into
regional states and petty principalities which had begun long
before, received a fillip by the invasion of Amir Timur.

One of the declared objectives of Amir Timur had been to
destroy the ‘infidels’ of India albeit his army, like a steam-roller,
knocked down all the Indians alike, whether Hindus or Muslims.
As a matter of fact, Amir Timur insulted India and its people as a
whole, and, like Mahmud of Ghazni, did more harm to the cause
of Islam than to the ‘infidels’ in the subcontinent, it was the
Turkish sultanate of Delhi which was left prostrate and bleeding,
beyond all hopes of recovery.

The Sayyads (1414-50)

Khizr Khan, who had been appointed governor of Lahore,
Multan and Dipalpur by Amir Timur, acquired control of Delhi
after defeating its de facto ruler Daulat Khan and laid the founda-
tion of what is called the Sayyad dynasty. He belonged to a
reputed family of devout Muslims of Multan, and his father Malik
Suleman, an official of the provincial government, was known as a
Sayyad. 20 Khizr Khan himself was a man of high moral -character
who combined in him the qualities of a saint, soldier and politician.
He rose to be the governor of Multan during the reign of sultan
Firoze Tughluq. He was expelled from the town by Sarang Khan
in 1395. He was the most important of the Indian nobles who
collaborated with Amir Timur; he received the governorship of
Lahore, Multan and Dipalpur as a reward for the services rendered
to the invader. After the departure of Timur, he declared himself
the viceroy of Amir Timur in northwestern India and defied the
authdrity of Delhi, then ruled by Mallu Khan and Sultan Mahmud
Tughluq. Mallu was defeated and killed by Khizr Khan in 1405;
it strengthened his position and aroused his ambitions. He began
to aspire for the throne of Delhi after the death of Sultan Mahmud
Tughluq; at a suitable opportunity, he invaded Delhi and became
its master on June 4, 1414.

Khizr Khan ruled Delhi independently for seven years (1414-21)
though he officially described himself as the viceroy of the

20. Related to the family of the Prophet Mohammad, though it is doubtful
whether he had actually descended from the Prophet; probably, his
ancestors had hailed from Arabia.

248

ADVANCED STUDY IN TtiE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Timurids; he did not assume sovereign title of Sultan or Shah nor
struck coins in his name. His kingdom, comprising Sind, Punjab
ana some parts of the Doab (western U.P.), though fairly extensive,
was one of the numerous regional states which had come into
existence in Bengal, Jaunpur, Rajasthan, Malwa, Gujarat,
Khandesh and the Deccan peninsula. Throughout his period of
rule, Khizr Khan had to fight either against the neighbouring
rulers or the rebellious Hindu chieftains and Muslim nobles within
his own dominions. He died on May 20, 1421. Khizr Khan was
popular among the people of Delhi because of his public welfare
activities and humanitarian approach to the administration.

Mubarak Shah, the son and successor of Khizr Khan, assumed
the title of sultan. A competent military general, he suppressed
a few revolts of the Hindu zamindars of the Doab and defeated
the Muslim nobles — Jasrath Khokhar and Turk-baccha, in the
Punjab. He defended his shaky kingdom from encroachments by
the Rajputs, the Muslim rulers of Jaunpur and Malwa, and the
Mughals from Kabul. He fell a victim to the conspiracy hatched
by his own disaffected nobles and was beheaded in February 1434.

The power of the Sayyads declined rapidly after the murder of
Mubarak Shah. The conspirators, led by Sarwarul Mulk, raised
Muhammad Shah, a nephew of the deceased sultan, on the throne,
albeit the real power of the state was usurped by Sarwarul Mulk,
the wazir. The latter’s attempt to liquidate his rivals compelled
many loyal nobles to take up arms against the king-maker and
plunged the already weakened sultanate into total confusion and
anarchy. It encouraged the rulers of Jaunpur, Gwalior and Malwa
to snatch away large slices of the territory of Delhi. The Sultan
got rid of the icing-maker by getting him murdered with the help of
other nobles; nevertheless, he failed to cope witht he forces of
disorder and disruption. But for the timely help given by Bahlol
Lodhi, the governor of Lahore, Delhi might have fallen into the
hands of an army of invasion from Malwa. The Sultan conferred
the title of Khan-i-Kahnan on Bahlol Lodhi.

On the death of Muhammad Shah in 1445, his son Alauddin
ascended the throne of Delhi with the highsounding title of Alam
Shah; he proved to be the last and the most incompetent ruler of
the Sayyad dj nasty. It was about the reign of this monarch that
a contemporary poet had sarcastically remarked:

“ Shahtishahi Shah Alam,

Az Delhi ta Palam."

That is, ‘the empire of the emperor of the world {Shah Alam )
extended only from Delhi to Palam,’ situated at a distance of
about ten miles to the south of old Delhi. Unable to cope with
the administrative problems, revolts, and intrigues of his courtiers,
he retired to his perscnal estate at Badaun, it provided an

DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION

249

opportunity to Bahlol Lodhi, the most prominent noble of the
state, to acquire c ntrol of Delhi. He deposed ‘Shah Alam’ and
laid the foundation of a new dynasty on the throne of Delhi but
permitted the ex-Shah to retain his estate of Badaun. ‘Shah Alam’
was fully content with his estate and died a happy man in 1478.

The Lodhis: First Afghan Dynasty of Delhi

Bahlol Lodhi (1451-89) was the founder of the first Afghan
ruling house of Delhi; 2 * the'Lodhis constituted a clan of the Ghilzai
tribe of the Afghans. Bahlol’s grandfather Behram was originally
a merchant who migrated to Multan during the reign of sultan
Firoze Tughluq and took up service under the provincial governor.
Behram had five sons, two of whom, Malik Sultan Shah and
Malik Kala, the father of Bahlol, attained some prominence.
Malik Kala defeated Jasrath Khokhar and set up an independent
principality for himself in the northwestern region while Malik
Sultan Shah received appointment as governor of Sirhind with
the title of Islam Khan in 1419 from Khizr Khan Sayyad of Delhi.
Malik Kala was killed by his enemies and the orphaned Bahlol,
known by the pet name of Ballu in his childhood, was brought up
with great affection and care by his uncle Islam Khan at Sirhind.
Bahlol grew up to be a brilliant youth, possessed of ambition and
fine qualities of martial leadership. Islam Khan gave his daughter
in marriage to Bahlol, made him the commander of 12,000 and
nominated him as his successor. 22 Islam Khan fell fighting the
Mughals in 1431 and was succeeded by Bahlol Lodhi as governor
of Sirhind. By his military prowess and diplomacy, Bahlol exten-
ded his sway over the fiefs of Dipalpur, Lahore and Multan and
secure drecognition of his possessions from Sultan Muhammad
Sayyad of Delhi; the latter depended heavily upon him for the
defence of his capital against his enemies. By the time Alauddin
Alam, Shah ascended the throne of Delhi, Bahlol had assumed the
role of a popular leader of the Afghan community, many of whose
members held high offices and estates in northwestern India. Alam
Shah could ' not pull on amicably with his all-powerful wazir
Hamid Khan, and having failed to control the situation in Delhi,
retreated to his personal estate at Badaun. Bahlol Lodhi entered
the capital at the head of a large army with the declared object of

21. Daulat Khan, who held control of Delhi for over a year (1413-14), after
the death of sultan Mahmud Tughluq, was also an Afghan noble; albeit
he never assumed the royal title; he was defeated and deposed by Khizr
Khan, the founder of the Sayyad dynasty. The second and the last
Afghan dynasty of Delhi was provided by Sher Shah Suri and his
successors (1540-55).

22. Though nominally the governor of Sirhind under the Sayyads of Delhi,
Islam Khan consolidated his position almost as4he de facto ruler of his
fief which was passed on by him in heritage to bis nephew and son-in-
law Bahlol Lodhi on merit, in preference to his son Qutb Khan.

250 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

restoring law and order. After sometime, he imprisoned the wazir
(Hamid Khan) by a stratagem and ascended the throne of Delhi
on April 19, 1451, with the apparent consent of Alauddin Alam
Shah Sayyad, who was content with the fief of Badaun.

The Lodhi dynasty founded by Bahlol, produced three sultans
who ruled over Delhi for 75 years (1451-1526). Bahlol Lodhi
enjoyed a long reign of 39 years. As a shrewd politician, who
well understood the turbulent character of his people, he did not as-
sume dictatorial attitude towards his Afghan colleagues and follow-
ers. Instead, he shared power with the Afghan amirs, treated
them with respect and gave them an impression that their voice
counted in all important matters of the state. The royal court of
Bahlol Lodhi was quite different in composition and character
from that of the Turkish sultans of Delhi. He did not occupy his
seat on an elevated throne in the traditional style of the medieval
monarchs; instead, he sat on the carpet, surrounded by his promi-
nent nobles, and behaved ‘in such a way as to show that he had
been elected by his own people’ and that he held the, royal powers
‘at their pleasure’. 53 The Sultan was accorded the status of primus
inter pares among the Afghan nobles; the Afghan monarchy of
Delhi was, therefore, ‘in reality, a feudalists tribal oligarchy ”. 2<
Bahlol Lodhi distributed all the important civil and military offices
among his trusted Afghan amirs. He parcelled out his dominons
into small jagirs and estates and handed them over to his kinsmen
and other Afghan amirs. These nobles enjoyed autonomy in the
administration of their assignments and recruited their own feudal
armies, the collective strength of which far exceeded the might of
the royal army stationed in, Delhi. All the Afghan immigrants
from their homeland were received with an open arm and extended
patronage by the state through grants of land and government
service. Bahlol Lodhi thus attempted to ‘Afgbanise’ the adminis-
tration as far as possible. 28 He met with oppositions from the
Turkish and other non-Afghan elements which was suppressed
with an iron hand.

Bahlol Lodhi established law and order within his small tribal
kingdom with the active cooperation and support of his Afghan
nobles. He brought Ahmad Ali Khan of Mewat into subjugation
and annexed seven of his parganas to Delhi. He led successful
expeditions against Dariya Khan of Sambhal, Isa Khan of Koil
(Aligarh), Mubarak Khan of Sakit, raja Pratap Singh of Kampna
and Patiali, and Qutb Khan of Rapri, all of whom were permitted
to retain their possessions as the feudatory chieftains. He
suppressed revolts in Multan and Sirhind and also brought the
refractory zamindars of the Doab under his effective control.

23. Yusuf Hussain, Imlo-Mitslim Polity; op. cit., p. 174.

24. ibid.

25. K. S. Lai, Twilight of the Sultanate; op. eit. p., 134.

DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION

251

Bahlol Lodhi realised his limitations as a regional ruler of the
country and refrained from adopting an aggressive attitude towards
the powerful neighbouring chiefs.' Nevertheless,^ he had to wage
a long and drawn-out war against Sultan Mahmud Shah of the
Sharqi dynasty of Jaunpur, who disputed his claim to the throne of
Delhi. It was because Mahmud Shah was the son-in-law of
Alauddin Alam Shah Sayyad, the ex-sultan of Delhi, and his
Sayyad wife instigated him to avenge the deposition of her father.
After Mahmud Shah’s death, his successor Husain Shah also
continued the struggle against Bahlol, Lodhi for many years.
Jaunpur was, ultimately, conquered by Bahlol but the latter did
not annex it to Delhi; instead, he placed his eldest son Barbak Shah
on the throne of Jaunpur and retained the separate identity of the
kingdom in close association with Delhi, thus creating a fraternity
of the two Afghan kingdoms. The success of Bahlol’s enterprise
against Jaunpur frightened the chieftains of Dholpur, Kalpi, Bari
and Alipur to acknowledge the suzerainty of Delhi. Bahlol led a
successful military expedition against Gwalior and received a
tribute of 80 lakh tankas from its ruler Man Singh. While return-
ing from Gwalior, he was taken ill and expired enroute to Delhi in
July 1489. He was known as a just monarch who ruled over his
subjects with moderation.

Sikander Lodhi ( 1489-1517 ) : One of Bahlol’s nine sons —
Nizam Khan, was elected by the Afghan nobles as the sultan of
Delhi; he ascended the throne on July 17, 1489 with the title of
Sikander Shah. A tall and handsome man of 31, he was the son
of a Hindu goldsmith’s daughter — a disability which provoked
opposition to his claim to royalty by a strong lobby in the court;
a number of his brothers, nephews and other kinsmen held big
fiefs who posed a .potential danger to his throne. Sikander Lodhi
handled the situation tactfully and with courage; he pacified most
of them, suppressed some and, through the display of religious
bigotry towards his Hindu subjects, established his reputation as
a staunch Muslim ruler ‘in no way inferior to a pure Afghan’.
Even otherwise, he was the most capable, efficient and powerful of
all the three Lodhi sultans of Delhi. He shifted his capital in 1504
to the village of Agra on the bank of the Jumna, which was deve-
loped into a beautiful town during his period of rule. Sikander
Lodhi imparted a bit of the royal glory to the court, occupied his
seat on an elevated throne and did not allow the old grandees of
the kingdom to claim equality with him. His elder brother sultan
Barbak Shah of Jaunpur preferred his claim to the sultanate; he
was defeated by Sikander Lodhi at Kanauj, then pardoned and
given back his kingdom in subordination to Agra. Barbak Shah
proved, however, an incompetent ruler who failed to keep the
disaffected nobles of his court under his firm control; he was,
therefore, deprived of hi^ possessions after sometime, qnd Jaunpur
was annexeu io Agra. A court party hatched a conspiracy to
dethrone Sikander Lodhi and install his younger brother Fateh

252

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Khan on the throne. To his good fortune, Sikander Lodhi got
wind of it and took stern action against them; twenty-two Afehan
officers were dismissed and severely punished. It enhanced - the
reputation of Sikander Lodhi and established his firm hold on the
throne.

Sikander Lodhi attempted to revive the concept of absolute
monarchy by bringing the Afghan nobles under the effective
control of the central authority. He set up an efficient espionage
system to keep himself abreast of all the developments within his
dominions and watch the activities of the disaffected officers. He
_ enforced discipline among the services and improved the machinery
of law and order; like Firoze Tughluq, he introduced Islamic law
as a matter of state policy.

Sikander Lodhi was a capable military general; he pursued a
policy of aggressive intervention into the affairs of the neighbouring
states and extended his dominions by the conquest of south Bihar
in 1494-95. He pushed the frontiers of his kingdom to the borders
of Bengal and concluded a treaty of friendship with its ruler
Alauddur Husain Shah. He subjugated the Hindu chiefs of Dholpur,
Narwar and Chanderi albeit his military campaigns against Gwalior
and Malwa were not successful. He died of illness on November
21, 1517.

Ibrahim Lodhi (1517-26) : The Afghan monarchy was weak-
ened by the fissiparous and individualistic tendencies of its other-
wise brave and freedom loving grandees ; they were ever eager to
reassert their influence in the state affairs. Therefore, on the death
of Sikander Lodhi, they decided to parcel out his territorial posses-
sions into two kingdoms, to be headed by the first two of his five
sons; the eldest prince Ibrahim Khan was to inherit the kingdom
of Delhi and Agra while his younger brother Jalal Khan was to
rule the eastern and southern part of the sultanate from Kalpi to
Jaunpur. Accordingly, Ibrahim, styled as Ibrahim Shah, was
coronated at Delhi and Jalal Khan, accompanied by his followers
and the army, left for Jaunpur. Soon afterwards, some prominent
nobles realised the folly of their decision which stood to weaken the
Afghan hegemony in no them India, and recognised Ibrahim
Lodhi as the sole monarch of the entire Afghan kingdom; albeit
the mischief had been done and Jalal Khan, though not successful
in acquiring control of Jaunpur, crowned himself as sultan with
the title of Jalaiuddin at Kalpi, of which he had been the governor
during the reign of his father. It led to a civil war between the
two brothers in which Jalal Khan was defeated. He fled from
Kalpi but fell into the hands of Gonds who passed him on to
Delhi. He was sent as a captive to Hansi but murdered on the
way by the secret orders of Sultan Ibrahim.

DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION

253

Man Singh, the ruler of Gwalior, had offered asylum to the
fugitive Jalal Khan for a shortwhile; Ibrahim Lodhi used it as a
pretext to send a royal army, comprising 30,000 horses and 300
elephants, for the conquest of Gwalior. It laid siege to the fort
which dragged on for many months, necessitating the despatch of
reinforcements from Delhi. Man Singh died during the course of
the struggle and his son and successor Vikramajit was hard-pressed
to acknowledge the suzerainty of Delhi. It was a great victory for
Ibrahim Lodhi which made him overconfident of his military
prowess. He committed the blunder of challenging Rana .Sangram
Singh of Mewar and sent a huge army for the conquest of Chittor.
To his great horror and dismay, the army of Delhi was routed and
annihilated by the valiant Rajputs. This gave a serious .set back
to the power and prestige of the young Sultan and signalled
revolts in various parts of his kingdom. His initial enthusiasm for
military conquests being over, Ibrahim Lodhi, an inexperienced
and incompetent ruler that he was, became nervous and did not
know how to restore law and order. He adopted a dictatorial
attitude towards the old and experienced Afghan officers, and
annoyed his ministers and provincial governors by the display of
irritable temper and arrogance. The latter looked upon the sultan
as their leader — primus inter pares, and not as a master; therefore,
they resented the autocratic behaviour of Ibrahim Lodhi and did
not cooperate with him wholeheartedly in the solution of adminis-
trative and political problems. The sultan lacked the power as
well as the wisdom to deal with the refractory feudal lords. As a
result, some hereditary provincial governors set themsehes up as
de facto rulers of their possessions and instigated others to do like-
wise. The revengeful and cruel treatment meted out by the sultan
to the disaffected nobles, who fell into his hands, terrified the rest
to carry on the struggle to the bitter end. Azam Humayun
Sarwani, an old noble of Sikander Lodhi who had collaboratad
with Jalal Khan, submitted and received royal favours. After
sometime, he was imprisoned and liquidated by Ibrahim Lodhi
in spite of the fact that he had apprised the Sultan of the rebellious
designs of his own son Islam Khan, who died fighting the royal
armies. Mian Bhua, the aged wazir of Sikander Lodhi’s times, was
dismissed for expressing his views which were disagreeable to the
Sultan; he died in the royal prison. Mian Husain Khan Farmuli
had once defied the Sultan but was pardoned and given the
governorship of Chandcri. His uncalled for assassination, in his
sleep, by the alleged agents of the Sultan, convinced the old
grandees of the sultanate about the ‘perfidious designs’ of Ibrahim
Lodhi and they took up arms against him in self-defence. Khan-i-
Jahan Lodhi and Dariya Khan Lohani, governor of Bihar, were
their ring-leaders. Nasir Khan Lohani, the governor of Ghazipur,
was ordered by the Sultan to march against Dariya Khan but he
changed sides and himself raised the standard of revolt. After the
death of Dariya Khan Lohani, his son Bahadur Khan declared
himself the sultan of Bihar with the title of Muhammad Shah and

254

advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

struck coins in his name. The other rebels immediately flocked to
his court and the ranks of his armed forces swelled to over one
lakh. Ibrahim Lodhi could do pretty little against the rebels and
the eastern half of the kingdom, including the erstwhile state of
Jaunpur, was cut off from Delhi.

Though deprived of a major part of his dominions, Ibrahim
Lodhi might have survived as the ruler of Delhi albeit the rebelli-
ous attitude of the Afghan nobles of the Punjab and the new politi-
cal developments in the northwest region ruined him. Administra-
tion of the Punjab had been entrusted to their kinsmen by the
Lodhi sultans; Tatar Khan, the governor of Lahore, was a cousin
of Sultan Bahlol Lodhi. Tatar Khan’s son Daulat Khan Lodhi,
the hereditary governor of Lahore, was a seasoned soldier who
possessed 80,000 strong army and a huge purse. Sultan Jbrahifti
Lodhi felt annoyed with him owing to the fact that he had failed
to present himself at the court at the time of the former’s corona-
tion, apparently because of his advanced age. Ill-treatment of
Daulat Khan’s son Dilawar Khan by the Sultan alarmed the crafty
governor of Lahore to make arrangements for his self-defence.
Alam Khan Lodhi, governor of Dipalpur and a maternal uncle of
Ibrahim Lodhi, preferred his claim to the throne of Delhi; he had
his supporters among the disaffected courtiers of the capital. The
Punjab was thus in open revolt against Ibrahim Lodhi when Babar
appeard on the scene. The illustrious descendant of Amir Timur
and Chengiz Khan, he lost his foothold in his ancestral land of
Central Asia but conquered Kabul in 1504 by a stratagem and
established himself as the king of Afghanistan. He directed his
attention towards the conquest of India in 1519-2G and led five
military expeditions into the Punjab in quick succession. Caught
between the two whirlwinds, Ibrahim Lodhi from Delhi and Babar
from Kabul, the self-seeking Afghan nobles of the Punjab attemp-
ted to save their skins from each; it led to what is called the triple
contest for political supremacy in the Punjab. Babar came out
victorious in the struggle in the long run; he acquired control of
the Punjab (1524-25) by crushing the power of its Afghan nobles,
killed Ibrahim Lodhi at the historic (first) battle of Panipat on
April 21, 1526, and laid the foundation of the Mughal dynasty in
India. The sultanate of Delhi came to an end with the fall of
Ibrahim Lodhi.

Causes of Downfall of the Sultanate

The disintegration of the sultanate of Delhi lay in the logic of
history; the most distressing part of the story, however, is that its
ghost continued to haunt the historic capital of India for so long
after the death of Firoze Tughluq and the invasion of Amir Timur.

The sultanate reached the maximum dimensions and the zenith
of its glory during the early part of Muhammad Bin Tughluq's

DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION

255

reign. Its growth and development stopped in the early thirties of
the fourteenth century. The first crack in its solidarity appeared
in 1335-36 when the sultan failed to suppress the revolt of his
governor in Malabar which led to the birth of the first break-away
Muslim state in the far south. It signalled the outbreak of revolts
in various parts of the vast Turkish empire. The objectives of
most of the leaders of rebellions, faced by Muhammad Bin Tughluq
after 1335, were to carve out independent states and secede from
the imperial government of India. A major part of the southern
peninsula was cut off from Delhi and the rest of the sultanate was
in ferment when Muhammad bin Tughluq breathed his last. Firoze
Tughluq failed to stem the rot that had set in and, with his death
in 1388, the sultanate ceased to exist except in name. Muhammad
bin Tughluq and Firoze Tughluq were responsible to a consider-
able extent for the ultimate decline and disintegration of the sulta-
nate; albeit they were not the only villains of the piece in this
affair. A number of defects and shortcomings were inherent in the
system itself which were bound to weaken and destabilise the
sultanate sooner or later. Most of these factors have already
found mention in the narrative, particularly, with reference to the
overthrow of the reigning monarchs and the frequent change of
dynasties. These may briefly be recapitulated.

There was no fixed law or popularly recognised convention
regarding succession to the throne among the sultans of Delhi.
Assumption of the crown depended on the general law of nature —
‘the survival of the fittest’. It was a major factor which facilitated
the rapid spread of the Turkish dominance in India; nevertheless,
the excessive application of this principle weakened the monarchy
in the long run. The wearing of the crown became a great hazard
even for the best and the most capable of the princes. The whole
age of the sultanate was characterised by the frequent change of
rulers and the ruling dynasties. The sultans, on the whole, com-
prised a race of cut-throats; the princes and ambitious nobles killed
their near and dear ones and liquidated the entire families of their
parents, friends and patrons for the attainment of the throne. Such
wanton destruction of life and wiping off royal talent at the hands
of unscrupulous and unworthy assassins and blood-thirsty generals
cut at the roots of the Turko-Afghan monarchy by depriving it of
the very human source from which it sprang up. The self-seeking
nobles belonging to diverse races and clans, the slave officers
attached to various sultans, and the princely products of the royal
harem , which usually comprised hundreds of women, were all
involved in this self-destructive game of power-politics.

The strength and stability of the sultanate was based on its army
organisation. The fearless and courageous Turkish warriors had
conquered India by force of arms; it were they who constituted
the backbone of the sultanate. The army establishment of the
sultans was, however, based on feudal principles, in general, which

256

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

carried with it a!! the inherent defects of the svstem. Alauddin
raised a strong and well-equipped standing arm’v, paid in cash by
the state, but his successors, including the Tughiuqs, failed to
follow his example in this regard. The offensive power of the royal
army was lost during the reign of Muhammad bin Tughiuq while
its defensive teeth were broken by Firoze Tughiuq by the callous
disregard of the most elementary principles of the army organisa-
tion. He made the system of granting Jagirs to the nobles and
assignments on revenue to the troopers universal, offered military
service to the old and incompetent persons for life, and adopted
many ill-conceived and unprofessional measures which seriously
undermined the discipline and efficiency of the royal army. Firoze
Tughiuq was primarily responsible for the decay and deterioration
of the once mighty and invincible army of the sultanate; none of
the succeeding sultans of Delhi possessed the intellect or resources
to revive the martial traditions of the bygone days.

The Turkish sultans of Delhi were autocrats; their government
was based on highly centralised despotic principles. Some of the
sultans formally introduced the Islamic Law within their dominions,
albeit there was no rule of law in the sultanate, most of the time; it
was usually the word of the sultan which was treated as law. The
strength or success of the government, therefore, depended upon the
personality and character of the sultan. The successors of Firoze
Tughiuq were all weaklings who failed to acquire a strong grip over
the administration and played as tools in the hands of their
selfish nobles. The sultanate was, accordingly, reduced to a petty
principality' of Delhi within a decade of the death of Firoze
Tughiuq.

The sultanate was a police state by nature; it was based on force
and aggression, and did not enjoy the consent or willing co-
operation of its subjects. The sultans were usually contended with
the performance of a two-fold function — the maintenance of peace
and order and the collection of taxes. Public welfare activities
were not treated as a duty of the state though some benevolent
sultans did a lot for the happiness and prosperity of their people
and helped in the socio-cultural development of the country. The
sultanate was formally recognised as an Islamic state, therefore,
majority of its subjects who happened to be non-Muslims,
suffered from civil disabilities. With a few exceptions, most ot
the sultans did not attempt to win the goodwill of their Hindu
subjects. As a result, the Hindus generally maintained an attitude
of indifference towards the government and did not take much
interest in the rise and fall of the ruling dynasties or change in the
fortunes of the reigning monarchs. Whenever possible, the
vanquished Hindu chiefs took up arms against the sultanate and
strove their best to regain their lost independence. The sultanate
was, therefore, not based on popular support.

DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION

257

Muhammad bin Tughluq was the first among the sultans of
Delni who owes a special responsibility for the decline and
dismemberment of the sultanate. Partly an idealist and partly a
visionary', he was a self-willed, obstinate and hot-tempered autocrat
who mishandled the affairs of the state and cTeated a thorough'
mess on the-political, administrative, economic as well as military
fronts. He wasted the immense resources of the state on his wild
projects which failed because these were either executed badly or
found impracticable. He earned the hostility of the nobility and
the ulama and was hated and despised by his subjects. He failed
to suppress the forces of disruption and badly impaired the military
prowess of the sultanate before his death.

Of course, there is some force in the argument that the vastness
of the empire, reached during the first decade of Muhammad bin
Tughluq’s reign, carried the seeds of its own decay. In those days
when the means of communication and transport were poorly
developed, it must have been an uphill task for the imperial
government 'to exercise effective control over the distant provinces.
It encouraged the governors of far-flung provinces to amass the
resources in men and material and set themselves up as independent
rulers whenever the Sultan was in trouble or the imperial govern-
ment was caught napping.

Firoze Tughluq inherited a fast disintegrating empire, infested
with widespread revolts and disorders. An incompetent general, he
had neither the resources nor the will-power to bring back the
lost dominions under his control ; he was, therefore, content with
the sultanate which had been reduced to the status of a regional
kingdom. It was governed well during the first half of his reign
by his capable prime minister Khan-i-Jahan Maqbul, after whose
death the administration deteriorated rapidly under the un-
imaginative and weak policy of the sultan. Revival of the jagir
system, conversion of the nobility into feudal lords, dominance of
the ulama in the state politics, defective revenue policy, un-
scientific land reforms and recognition of the hereditary principle
in the services rendered the administration hollow from within
crippling it beyond all repairs. Weak central government, corrupt
civil services and the defunct military organisation encouraged the
provincial governors and feudal nobles to defy the governmental
authority and signal the total disruption of the sultanate. Above
all, the excessively long life enjoyed by Firoze Tughluq did an
incalculable harm to the interests of his own ruling dynasty. His
first two grown-up and capable sons predeceased him, thus leaving
the burden of the state upon the shoulders of his younger off-
springs, none of whom was experienced or trained enough to hold
his own as a monarch. It led to the rise of king-makers among
the selfish nobles who used the princes as puppets in their own
hands, engulfed Delhi into a protracted civil war, and made a
mockery of the crown. No wonder, the sultanate of Delhi

258

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

collapsed like a house of cards immediately after the death of
Firoze Tughluq.

The sultanate of Delhi was dead before the invasion of Timur ;
the ghost of it remained. The mighty conqueror struck a blow at
the ghost and made it shriek with pain. He trampled Delhi under
his feet and proclaimed the death of the sultanate to the whole of
the Muslim world. It was all set for the establishment of a
Timurid empire in India albeit the hero of the hour was least
attracted by it ; he left for Samarqand and never bothered to know
who ruled over the dead and the dying.

Amir Timur left behind a political vaccum at Delhi, once the
imperial capital of the Indo-Turkish sultans; it is amazing, however,
that not a single leader emerged on the Indian political horizon
for over a century and a quarter who could revive the past glory
of Delhi and establish his claim as the monarch of India. Stripped
off its grandeur and prestige, Delhi was reduced to the status of a
petty principality which continued to be ruled by lillipufians styled
as sultans. It showed some signs of recovery under the Lodhis
albeit the tribal monarchy of the Afghans, based on feudal
principles and weakened by the fissiparous and individualistic
tendencies of its grandees, stood little chance of developing into
an all India power. Babar sounded its death-knell on the historic
battle-field of Panipat and revived the glory of Delhi as the
imperial capital of Hindustan.

9

Regional and Provincial States

General Characteristics of the Fifteenth Century

The sultanate of Delhi was transformed^ into
empire by the slow but steady Q , Q j- a ce ntury and a

km g doms and feudal esrates dunng b V rapi<i disinte gration

regional and provincial states jhtv regional kingdoms of the
comprised among others the two mig y a nd pros-

south — Bahmam and Vijayanagar, th Gujarat, Jaunpur

perous provincial Muslim states of Malwa Mar $ ar

and Bengal, and powerful hundreds of

in Rajputana. In betv ^ e . eI \ **£}, ent feudatory chieftainships an 1
small monarchies, semi-independent ^ he big sta tes were

petty estates of the hereditary 1 ^ while tbe sma u ones

usually in perpetual warfare with tn fdl loya i t i es towards the
suffered under -and wavered ^ a dismal picture

powerful neighbours. The country Tb e sultanate as

*"SS&fta£ Sween tenant provinces had ceased to exist
and political disintegration of the country was . P

A few special characteristics of the an^provincial states

however, noteworthy. Most o The sultanate as ‘an Islamic

were ruled by the Mushtn tnonarchs. Th ^ mana „ f the

State- had declined but net so “ ’CS power was decentra-
Muslims in the subcontinent. Th P f ^ erstw hile iqtas or

ilsed and shifted to u th” major provinces gave rise

provinces of the sultanate, ainiost firml 3 roote d in the soil of
to powerful Muslim states. 3s3ai ^ Indian creeds. The Muslims
India; it had become one f. tbe Tn ™J 0 S Y Islamic culture
constituted a part and pared i of t Hindu culture and had

in genera,. Muslitn

260

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

monarchs and the ruling elite were mostly Indian in blood, thought
and attitude; very few of them traced their foreign pedigree or
claimed dominant position in the society on that account. They
were Indian Muslims in every respect.

Many of the regional and provincial rulers of the fifteenth
century, whether Hindus or Muslims, were enlightened and bene-
volent monarchs who worked for the welfare and happiness of
their people and enjoyed their goodwill in abundant ‘measure. They
patronised scholars and artists and helped in the socio-culturaf,
moral and material advancement of the society. The Bhakt'i
reformers and Sufi saints stood for the socio-religious reforms
and helped in bringing about a synthesis between the Hindu
and Islamic cultures. The socio-cultural development of early
medieval India is much more fascinating than the political
history of the times and has been reserved for detailed treatment
in a separate volume of the present study.

Northern India

Bengal : It became a stronghold of Muslim power towards the
close of the twelfth century when it was conquered by Ikhtiyaruddin
Muhammad-bin-Bakhtiyar Khalji, a brilliant lieutenant of Muham-
mad Ghori. The enterprising Khalji chief and his associates, who
became Bengalis by domicile, provided the nucleus of the ruling
elite of the province for a long time to come. Bengal formally
constituted a part of the sultanate of Delhi from its very inception
albeit its governors enjoyed considerable autonomy, including
powers of war and peace with their neighbours. They recruited
their own armies and maintained a separate purse over which
Delhi had no effective control. Being situated far away from the
capital, its governors occasionally behaved as de fecto rulers and
defied the authority of the centre whenever they found the oppor-
tunity to do so.

Ghiasuddin Bahadur, governor of Bengal, revolted against
Muhammad bin Tughluq in 1330-31 but was defeated and killed by
the royal troops. Thereupon, Bengal was divided into two iqtas
with their headquarters at Sonargaon (Dacca) and Lakhnauti
respectively. In 1338-39, the Bengali Muslim elite revolted against
Delhi once again and the Sultan was unable to take any action to
restore the imperial authority. As a result, two independent
Muslim states came into existence in Bengal ; Sonargaon was ruled
by Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah while Lakhnauti passed under the
control of Haji Ilyas. After a brief struggle against his Bengali
counterpart, Haji Ilyas acquired control over Sonargaon also and
became the sovereign ruler of united Bengal with the title of
Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah.

Firoze Tughluq made two abortive attempts to. bring Bengal
back into the fold of the sultanate and had instead to recognise

261

regional and provincial states

• • 4 4„„„- Tl vac died in 1357 and was succeeded by his son

(?&W» “ho 3 consolidated his possessions mto a
well-knit and flourishing state.

Nasir uddirh a^grandson of Haji llyas^revrved ^he j° June^of the

old ruling house by a ^^ r !' t ^f t his family was murdered by an
fifth and the last descends ant of h, is fa mi i y and ^ state W as

Abyssinian slave officer "MbaK ana a Bengali noble Alaud-

engulfed in political anarchy. Ultimately, a g^ ^ ]a}d the
din Hussain Shah restored law 1493 which came to be

foundation of a new ruling dy o ika Ljer Lodhi, after making an
known as the Hussami dynasty. obliged to conclude a

unsuccessful bid to conquer footing. The

treaty of friendship with Hussar 518-33) was known to

latter’s son and successor Nusra , Q f Bengal. Nusrat

Babar as a capable and powerf u mona. ch o T *n* ^ ^ ^
Shah was succeeded by his son A ^ unc]e w h 0

gtsta? Stah" B*» « d died a fugitive in the army camp
of Humayun.

Jaunpu r : Firoze Tughluq founded the town
the bank of the Gomti during his "“Hi. rousin Jauna

Bengal expedition in 1 35 4 '^ Tuehhxq'T In 1494, Sultan Mahmud
Khan (Sultan Muhammad bin T ug |r T X’ „ fan eunuch) to Jaunpur
Tughluq sent Malik Sarwar with the title

to administer the territories from. I a f ter the sack of Delhi
of Sultan ush Shar.q-‘Lord of the East . Afterth isac ^

by Amir Timur, Malik Sarwar set P rov al title. On his death
Jaunpur, however he did not t ; t i e °f Sultan Mubarak Shah

in 1399, his adopted son assumed the Sharqi dynasty

and laid the foundation of what is o d d by b j s younger

of Jaunpur. He died in 1402 and was the dynasty,

brother Ibrahim Shah (1402-36), the o ^ shah gave a long

A capable administrator and scholar, lbrainm « n of art,
era of peace and prosperity to his peopl • b tifiec j b is capital

architecture, education and learning. He beautm ^ ^

by the construction of magnificent p which the town became a
educational institutions as a ^ltcrf which earned the title of
great centre of Islamic culture and learning, ana earneu

‘Shiraz of India’.

* Ancient Rajput stronghold Manaich; conquered by^Zafar Khan,^ &

son of Sultan Ghiasuddm Tughluq, Za ^afarabad. Firoze Tughluq

personal estate from the sultan and renamed it ZaiaraDau. use d „ a roya ,

constructed a new township in its neighb t

post in the east.

262 ADVANCED STUDY IN tBe HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Ibrahim Shah was succeeded on the throne of Jaunpur bv his
son Mahmud Shah (1436-57) who married a daughter of Sultan
Alauddin Alam Shah Sayyad of Delhi. He .was shocked to know
of the deposition of his father-in-law in 1451. On the other hand,
Bahlol Lodhi, who had usurped the throne of Delhi, was equally
anxious to bring Jaunpur back into the fold of the sultanate once
again. It led to the outbreak of a long and protracted struggle
between Delhi and Jaunpur for political supremacy. On the death
of Mahmud Shah, his eldest son Muhammad Shah became the
sultan of Jaunpur; he was, however, assassinated by a rival court
-party which installed his younger brother Hussain Shah (1458-1500)
on the throne. He invaded Delhi but was repulsed by, Bahlol
Lodhi; the two parties entered into a truce which lasted only four
years and war broke out between them once again. In the long
run, Jaunpur was conquered by the Lodhi sultan and Hussain Shah
fled to south Bihar; he died a fugitive in 1500 and with his death
the Sharqi dynasty came to an end. As narrated in the previous
chapter, Bahlol Lodhi placed his eldest son Barbak Khan on the
throne of Jaunpur and retained the separate identity of the king-
dom in subordinate association with Delhi.

Malwa : It was conquered and annexed to Delhi by Alauddin
Khalji in 1305; it remained a part of the sultanate upto 1398 when
its governor Dilawar Khan Ghori set up as de facto ruler without
assuming a royal title. His son Hushang Shah (1406-35) adopted
all the insignia of royalty. He wao a great warrior who fought
many battles against his neighbouring chiefs. His son and successor
Muhammad Shah Ghori was deposed by his crafty Wazir Mahmud
Khan Khalji in May 1436; the latter assumed the title of Shah and
laid the foundation of the Khalji dynasty of Malwa. Mahmud
Shah extended the boundaries of his kingdom during his long reign
of 33 years (-1436-39). The fourth ruler of the Khalji dynasty,
Mahmud II, was an inefficient and incapable ruler. A famous
Rajput chief, Medni Rao of Chanderi, exercised great influence in
the internal politics of Malwa and for sometime acted even as the
prime minister of the state. Malwa was, however, torn by mutual
dissensions and revolts of the Muslim nobles. To his misfortune,
Mahmud II entered into a deadly conflict with the Sisodia Rajputs
of Mewar also and suffered defeats at the hands of Rana Sangram
Singh. Malwa was conquered by Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujarat
in 1 531; it was overrun by Humayun in 1535-36 and annexed to
the Mughal cmpite of Delhi.

Gujarat : The province of Gujarat was conquered by Alauddin
Khalji in 1297. Its governors and the local ruling elite made
many an abortive attempt liberate themselves from the yoke of
Delhi during the reigns of Muhammad bin Tugliluq and Firozc
Tughluq. After the invasion of Amir Timur, Gujarat became
virtually independent of Delhi under its governor Zafar Khan, son
of a Hindu convert; he assumed the title of Sultan Muzafar Shah in

REGIONAL AND PROVINCIAL STATES

263

1401 and ruled for another decade (1401-11). He was succeeded
by his grandson Ahmad Shah (1411-42) who proved a very
capable and successful ruler. He established his headquarters at a
new township, named after him as Ahmadabad. The sixth ruler
of the dynasty Mahmud Shah alias Baghera (1458-1511) was the
greatest and the most powerful ruler of Gujarat. The Portuguese
built a factory at Diu during his reign. He was succeeded by
Muzafar Shah II who was hard pressed to preserve the indepen-
dence of his state against encroachments by the rulers of Malwa
and Mewar. On his death in July 1526, his son Bahadur Shah
became the Sultan. He extended the boundaries of his dominions
by the conquest of Malwa in 1531. He was turned out of Malwa
and Gujarat in 1535-36 by Humayun but, taking advantage of the
negligence and incompetence of the latter, he recovered Gujarat
from the hands of the Mughals. Bahadur Shah fought many
battles with the Mughals, and, in collaboration with Sher Khan
(later Sher Shah Suri) of south Bihar, put Humayun to great
inconvenience. He fell a victim to the treachery of the Portuguese
who drowned him in the sea in February 1537. His successors,
though weak and incapable, continued to rule over Gujarat till
its conquest by Akbar in 1572.

Rajputana : The credit for the conquest of Rajputana goes to
Alauddin Khalji. The fall of Ranthambhor (1299-1300) and
Ghittor (1303) compelled the other Rajput chiefs of the region to
acknowledge the suzerainty of Delhi; albeit the Rajputs did not
reconcile themselves to the loss of independence within their own
homeland, and started a counter-offensive against the victors.
Within two years after Alauddin’s death, Chittor was liberated by
the Sisodia Rajputs from the Turkish rule. It signalled a general
uprising in the region against the sultanate which resulted in the
emergence of many new Rajput principalities; Mewar and Marwar
were the most prominent among them.

Mewar : With its capital at Chittor, re-emerged as a sovereign
kingdom under Rana Hamir, a worthy son of the illustrious Rana
Rattan Singh. During his long reign of 46 years (1318-64), Hamir
revived the glory of ancient Mewar by his brilliant victories and
administrative achievements. His son and successoi Kshetra Singh
(1364-82) was also a capable ruler; he lost his life in a family feud.
One of his successors. Rana Kumbha (1433-68) was a great warrior
who waged successful wars against the neighbouring Rajput states
as well as the sultans of Malwa and Gujarat. He transformed
Mewar into a premier state of Central India. He built the famous
Kirtistambha or Vijayastambha — ‘The Tower of Victory’ of Chittor
in 1448 in commemoration of his victory against Malwa. He
beautified Chittor by the construction of public buildings, parks
and socio-cultural institutions. Rana Kumbha was a great
scholar and patron of education and learning.

264

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Towards the close of the fifteenth century, Rayamalla (.1473-
1509) was the ruler of Mewar whose illustrious son Rana Sangram
Singh alias Rana Sanga (1509-28) was a contemporary of Babar.
Born in 1482, Sanga was selected by the Rajput nobles of Chittor
to be their king in preference to his- brother Jai Singh because of
his virtuous character and martial qualities of leadership. He
proved himself worthy of the confidence reposed in him by his
nobles. His life was full of struggle and strife against the neigh-
bouring Rajput as well as Muslim states. He wore eighty scars of
wounds on his body which had shed each one of its legs, eyes and
arms in the warfare. Rana Sanga rose to be the greatest of all the
warriors of the country during his times. He inflicted a crushing
defeat on the ruler of Malwa while the sultans of Gujarat were
never permitted by him to extend their sway into Malwa or
Rajputana. Once the armies of Ibrahim Lodhi were also defeated
by Rana Sanga before they could step on the soil of Rajputana.
The greatest ambition of his life was to conquer Delhi and establish
Hindu rule over the whole of northern India. It was perhaps with
this intention that he welcomed the Indian invasions of Babar. He
suffered from an illusion that Babar would go away after loot and
plunder like Amir Timur, leaving the field open for him to fill up
the political vacuum in northern India. His hopes were, however,
dashed to the ground when Babar, after having occupied Delhi,
made up his mind to convert it into his imperial capital. Rana
Sanga mustered 80,000 soldiers, 500 war elephants, seven Rajput
kings and 104 Rajput military lords under his command and
confronted Babar at Khanua on March 13, 1527. He lost the
battle and retreated to Chittor; physically incapicitatcd, he died
a broken-hearted man two years later. Babar won a victory against
Rana Sanga albeit he did not dare to march upon the Rajput
citadel of Chittor. *

Marwar (mod. Jodhpur) was ruled by the Rathor Rajputs, the
descendants of Rashtrakutas. The kingdom of Marwar emerged
into prominence during the reign of Rana Chunda (1394-14 21).
His successor Rana Jodha built a new township with a fort, named
after him as Jodhpur, which became the capital of Marwar. Rana
Jodha secured peace, prosperity and honour for his people during
his long reign of 50 years (1438-88). One of his illustrious sons,
Rana Bika, founded the town of Bikaner in 1464 which became
the headquarters of another powerful state of Rajputana with the
passage of time. The Rajputs of Marwar confronted the armies
of Sher Shah Suri during the reign of Rana Maldeva (1532-62).

Kashmir : The valley of Kashmir did not fall within the sphere
of influence of the sultanate of Delhi. The credit for the establish-
ment of Muslim rule there goes to Shah Mirza, an inhabitant ol
Swat, who o\erthrew the ruling family of his Hindu patron m
1339 and ascended the throne with the title of Shamsuddin Shah.
One of his grandsons, Sikander Shah (1394-1416) alias the but

REGIONAL AND PROVINCIAL STATES

265

shikan was the ruler of Kashmir at the time of Amir Timur’s
invasion of Delhi. His son Ali Shah (1416-20) was deposed by his
younger brother Shah Khan in June 1420; the latter ascended the
throne with the title of Zainul' Abidin. He was the most enligh-
tened and popular monarch of Kashmir who enjoyed a long reign
of 49 years (1420-70) and became famous in the history of Kashmir
for his policy of religious toleration and public welfare activities.
He has been called ‘Akbar of Kashmir’. In order to respect the
religious sentiments of Hindus, who constituted the majority of his
subjects, he abolished Jaziya, banned the slaughter of cows and
extended liberal patronage to Sanskrit language and literature.
Towards the close of the fifteenth century, Kashmir suffered from
political anarchy due to mutual dissensions of the rival groups of
the courtiers. The valley was politically cut off from the rest of
the country and was not affected by the political upheavals in
Delhi. It was conquered by Akbar in 1585.

Orissa : It comprised a small Hindu state, situated far away
from the scene of national politics of the fifteenth century; it
extended from the mouth of the Ganges to that of Godavari along
the sea coast. Its ruler Ananta Varman Choda Ganga (c 1076-
1 148) built the famous Jagannath temple at Puri. His successors
repelled the Turkish invaders and safeguarded their independence
against heavy odds. In 1359-60, Firoze Tughluq led an expedition
into the territories of Orissa, referred to as Jajnagar by the
contemorary Muslim chroniclers, and received tribute from its
ruler. He desecrated the historic temple of Jagannath. The only
fact worth mentioning regarding this state is that for a very long
time it served as a wedge between the Muslim states of Bengal and
the Deccan, and excerised a check on the penetration of Muslim
influence into the south from the side of Bengal. Towards the
close of the fifteenth century, Orissa was ruled by Prataparudra
Deva (1497-1540) who was compelled to surrender a part of his
territories, situated to the south of the Godavari, to the monarch of
Vijayanagai

Southern India

Khandesh : It was a small iqta of the sultanate, situated in the
valley of the Tapti. Its go vernor Malik Raja Faruqi was set up as
de facto ruler immediately after the death of Firoze Tughluq. On
his death in 1399, his son Malik Nasir (1399-1438) became the
ruler ; he conquered the fort of Asirgarh from its Hindu chief but
was himself constrained to acknowledge the suzerainty of Gujarat.
One of his descendants, Adil Shah II (1457-1501) expanded his
estate by the conquest of G.mdwana. Wedged in between the
Bahmani kingdom and Gujarat, the feudal estate of Khandesh was
coveted by both; therefore, it failed to flourish as a sovereign state.
Some of its territories w'ere annexed by its powerful neighbours in
the course of time and Asirgarh was conquered by Akbar in 1601. ‘

266

ADVANCED-STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

The Bahmani Kingdom : The rebellious amiran-i-sadah—. the
centurians’ or the foreign nobles in the imperial service of Delhi,
acquired control of Daulatabad in 1346-47 and set up one of their
colleagues, Ismail Makh, as their king. Muhammad bin Tughluq
was unable to suppress the revolt. Due to his old age, however,
Ismail voluntarily resigned in favour of a more enterprising noble,
Hasan, who had meanwhile conquered Gulbarga by defeating the
imperial supporters. He ascended the throne at Gtilbarga with the
title of Sultan Abul Muzafar Alauddin Bahman Shah on August 3,
1347. The ruling house founded by him came to be known as the
Bahmani* dynasty. The Bahmani kingdom stretched roughly
from Berar in the north to the Krishna river in the south and
constituted the nucleus of the Muslim power in the peninsula. It
produced 18 sultans whose rule lasted 180 years from 1347 to 1527;
some of them were capable rulers.

Hasan ruled for about a decade (1347-58). He carved out a
fairly large kingdom by continuous warfare; his outstanding
conquests included Lidar, Goa, Dabhol, Kolhapur and a part of
Telingana. He divided his kingdom into four provinces, called
tarafs, with their headquarters at Gulbarga, Daulatabad, Berar
and Bidar; each province was entrusted to an amir, called tarafdar,
who received a jagir in lieu of his service. The administration was
based on feudal principles ; the provincial governors recruited their
own armies and rendered service to the centre in time of need.

Hasan’s son and successor Muhammad Shah I (1358-71) laid
the foundation of a sound administrative system with the help of
his prime minister Saifuddin Ghori. He created civil departments,"
each of which was held by a separate minister. Besides the prime
minister, known as wazir or vakil, there were amir i jiinila — ‘the
finance minister’, wazir i ashraf—'the foreign minister, and sadr i
jahan — ‘head of the ecclesiastical and judicial departments’. Nazir
acted as the deputy finance minister while a deputy minister,
called Peshwa , was attached to the office of the prime minister.
Kotwal, in big towns was head of the police department and
responsible for the maintenance of law and order. Muhammad
Shah fought with the Muslim states of Malvva, Khandesh and
Gujarat for territorial expansion, and entered into a deadly
conflict with the Hindu rulers of Warrangal, Orissa and Vijaya-
nagar; conflict with the latter acquired a religions tinge, being
styled as jehad--' the holy war against the infidels'. Jt became a
common feature of the southern politics throughout the period ol
existence of the two rival kingdoms — Bahmani and Vijayanagar.
and in the long run ruined both of them.

# He claimed descent from the Persian hero Bahman, son of Islandiyar
Firislita says that, in Ins early life. Hasan was a servant of Gangu, a
prominent Brahmin a-itrolocer of Delhi who had predicted royalty for him;
hence his title Bahman Shah had a reference to Ins Brahmin master and.
benefactor.

REGIONAL AND PROVINCIAL STATES

267

Mujahid Shah (1373-77), son of Mubarak Shah I, made two
unsuccessful bids to encroach upon the territory of Vijayanagar.
During his reign, the nobility of the kingdom came to be divided
into two rival factions, the foreigners and the Dakhinis. The
Sultan extended liberal patronage to the foreign immigrants,
particularly, the Persians and the Turks ; they received preferential
treatment in services and excited the jealousy of the native Muslim
nobles. Like the mutual conflict 6f Bahmani and Vijayanagar
kingdoms, the rivalry between these factions of the nobility became
very acute in the years to come and proved detrimental to the
interests of the state.

Muhammad Shah II (1378-97), a grandson of Hasan, was a
man of peace. He entered into a friendly relationship with
Vijayanagar and devoted much of his time for the welfare and
prosperity of his subjects. He built mosques and dargahs for the
Muslim saints, and encouraged conversions to Islam. He opened
educational institutions and patronised scholars. The Sultan adopted
extensive famine-relief measures to help his people during- the
course of a drought. It is said that he employed 5,000 bullock •'
carts to import foodgrains from Malwa and Gujarat to meet
conditions of scarcity.

Tajuddin FirozeShah (November 1397-1422), another grandson
of Hasan, was a man of sociable habits; he was fond of the
company of the learned and the holy. A religious fanatic, he
revived conflict with Vijayanagar and defeated the armies of
Vijayanagar in two actions; in the third encounter, however, he
received a crushing defeat and fled the battle field in utter
humiliation. He was deposed by his brother Ahmad Shah (1422-35).
The latter led a retaliatory expedition into Vijayanagar and
wreaked his vengeance upon its innocent inhabitants, 20,000 of
whom were murdered in cold blood. He extracted war indemnity
from the king of Vijayanagar. Ahmad Shah also fought success-
fully against the other neighbouring states, including those of
Watrangal, Malwa and Gujarat. Ahmed Shah transferred his
capital fromGulbarga to a newly constructed town called Bidar.

Humayun (1457-61) was a tyrant (zalim) who struck terror in
the hearts of his people. It is said that once he ordered his rebel
brother Hasan to be thrown before a tiger in an enclosure who killed
and devoured him in the presence of the Sultan. Firishta says that
Humayun, in a state of drunkenness, was murdered by one of his
servants.

To his good fortune, Humayun had secured the services of a
very capable prime minister Mahmud Gawan, entitled Khwaja-i-
Jahan, who maintained perfect law and order in the state and
protected it from the baneful influences of the whimsical and cruel
deeds of the Sultan. Mahmud Gawan was a foreign immigrant
who simultaneously held the governorship of Bijapur. On the

268

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

death of Humayun, the prime minister placed his minor son
Nizam Shah on the throne and the dowager queen Makhdumah-i-
Jahan acted as the regent of the young prince. Taking advantage
of the minority of the Sultan, the rulers of Orissa and Telingana
invaded the Bahmani kingdom but Mahmud Gawan gallantly
defended his charge. The Sultan of Malwa also coveted the
territory of the Bahmanids but was compelled to retire because
of the diplomatic manoeuvres of the crafty prime minister.
Nizam Shah died a sudden death in 1463 and was succeeded
by his brother Muhammad Shah III (1463-82). He indulged in
excessive drinking and sensual pleasures; nevertheless, the affairs
of the state were not adversely affected owing to the vigilance
and devoted service rendered by Mahmud Gawan. He \Vaged
wars against the neighbouring Hindu states and conquered a part
of the Konkan principality, Khalna, Rajamundry, Kondavir and
Goa. He defeated and extracted tribute from the ruler of
Vijayanagar and brought huge booty from Orissa in a surprise
raid. During the reign of Mahmud Shah III, the south was
engulfed in a severe famine (1474-76) which took a heavy toll of
human and animal life. Mahmud Gawan utilised the resources of
the state to help the famine-stricken people as far as possible.

Mahmud Gawan was an administrator pat excellence. Though
a leader of foreign nobility, he was a tactful and shrewd diplomat
who secured the cooperation of most of the grandees of the
kingdom in running the administration smoothly. He carried out
extensive reforms in the field of administration and imparted
freshness and vigour to the whole set up. He improved the
financial resources of the state, effected land revenue reforms,
strengthened the forces of la'w and order, streamlined the judiciary
and inculcated discipline and efficiency ‘among the services.
Mahmud Gawan was a loyal and devoted servant of the state who
was popular among the people and enjoyed confidence of the
nobility; albeit some of the Dakhinis felt jealous of him. Once
during the absence of the prime minister fr6m- the capital, they
hatched a conspiracy and poisoned the cars of the Sultan by
showing him a forged letter of treasonable contents allegedly
written by Mahmud Gawan to Narsimha, the ruler of Vijayanagar,
against the interests of the Bahmani kingdom. In a fit of
drunkenness, the Sultan signed the death-warrants of Mahmud
Gawan and by doing so sounded the death-knell of the Bahmani
kingdom itself. The prime minister was put to death on
April 5, 1481. His death spread a wave of consternation and
resentment throughout the kingdom. The conspirators were
exposed soon afterwards, and the Sultan inflicted severe punish-
ments on them. He wept and cried over his foolish action in
having broken the pillar of the state, and died a grief-stricken man
on March 22, 1482.

REGIONAL AND PROVINCIAL STATES

269

With the death of Mahmud Gawan departed the glory and
fortunes of the Bahmani kingdom almost instantaneously. He was
one of the greatest statesmen and administrators of early medieval
India. He served three Bahmani rulers with distinction and
enhanced the power and prestige of the kingdom. He was kind-
hearted, generous and a man of simple habits. A great scholar
and patron of education and learning, he founded a magnificent
college and a library at Bidar. He spent his leisure hours in the
study of books and took delight in the company of saints and
scholars. He was, however, a religious fanatic who suffered from
the religious prides and prejudices of the age. The study of the
achievements of the Bahmani kingdom is unintelligible without-
reference to the career and performance of Mahmud Gawan.

O

Muhammad Shah III was succeeded by his twelve years old son
Mahmud Shah. In the absence of a man of integrity like Mahmud
Gawan, the court was sharply divided into the traditional rival
groups of the Dnkhinis and the foreigners. Disharmony among
them -■ encouraged the provincial governors to assert their indepen-
dence. Thus within a couple of years, the outlying provinces of
the state were cut off from Bidar which was reduced to a petty
principality. With the death of Mahmud Shah in 1518, the
Bahmani kingdom virtually came to an end though three more
weak and incompetent princes of the ruling house continued to be
in nominal control of Bidar till 1527; they were puppets in the
hands of their all-powerful ministers, Qasim Baridul Mamalik and
later his son Amir Ali Barid. The last prince of the Bahmani
dynasty, Kalimullah, was deposed by his wazir Amir Ali Barid in
1527 who laid the foundation of what was called the Barid Shahi
dynasty of Bidar.

The Bahmani kingdom was split up into five independent
principalities. The state of Bijapur was set up by a Turkish noble
Yusuf Adil Shah, in 1489 ; the ruling house founded by him came
to be called the Adil Shahi dynasty of Bijapur. Malik Ahmad,
governor of Junar, declared himself independent of the Bahmani-
kingdom with the title of Sultan Nizam Shah in 1490. He shifted
his headquarters to the newly constructed township of Ahmadnagar
and laid the foundation of the Nizam Shahi dynasty of
Ahmadnagar. He conquered Daulatabad in 1499. Fateh ullah
Imad Shah, governor of Berar, also asserted his independence
about 1490 and thus became the founder of the Imadshahi
dynasty of Berar. Qutab Shah, governor of Telingana, set up as
independent ruler with his headquarters at Golkunda in 1512;
the ruling house founded by him was known after him as the
Qutbshahi dynasty. As narrated earlier, the Bahmani dynasty was
itself transplanted at Bidar by Amir Ali Barid Shah, the prime
minister of the state, in 1 527 and the Bahmani kingdom passed
out of existence.

270

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

The Bahmanids played a significant role in the political life of
the Deccan for about two centuries. They were typical despots of
the medieval age who exercised their autocratic powers without
restraint and maintained their hold over their dominions by force
of arms. The Bahmani kingdom was an Islamic state in which all
the powers were concentrated in the hands of the Muslim nobility;
some of its rulers were religious fanatics who tanned the feelings of
communalism among their subjects. The non-Muslims were
treated as zimmis; they had to pay jaziya and suffer from quite a
few social and civil disabilities. The grandees of the kingdom
rolled in wealth while the subjects were poor though contented.
Most of the rulers and their ministers successfully maintained peace
and tranquillity in the kingdom; some of them were benevolent
despots who earned the goodwill of their subjects because of their
public welfare activities. On the whole, the Bahmanids were very
successful rulers according to medieval standards.

The Vijayanagar Kingdom : The Kingdom of Vijayanagar 1
came into existence almost simultaneously with that of the
Bahmanids in the south. It was founded by two brothers Harihar
and Bukka Rai who were probably kinsmen and revenue officials of
Pratap Rudra Deva II, the Kakatiya ruler of Warrangal . 2 When
the kingdom of Warrangal was overrun (1323 ad) by the
Tughluqs, they shifted to Anegondi (or Kampili) and entered into
the service of its local Hindu chieftain. Anegondi also fell into
the hands of the Turkish armies after sometime and the two
brothers were taken captives to Delhi. They were subsequently
released by Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq and allowed to return
to the south as the imperial agents of Delhi. They, however,
turned freedom fighters who champoined the cause of liberation of
the south from the* Turkish domination. In 1336, with the assis-
tance and blessings of the celebrated sage Vidyaranya of Sringeri,
they founded a new habitat at a strategic location, surrounded by
hills and forests, on the bank of the Tungbhadra river, as a place

1 . For details refer to

R. Sewell, A Forgotten Empire; London, 1900.

S. K. Ayyangar, Sources ofVijayanagara History; Madras, 1919.

K. A. N. Sastri & N. Venkataramanayya, Further Sources of
Vijayanagara History; 2 voL; Madras. 1946.,

T. V. Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life Under Vijayanagar

Empire; Madras, 1951.

M. N. Venkata Ramanappa, Outlines of South Indian History; Vikas,
2nd ed; 1976 reprint.

2. Sewell gives seven traditional versions about the origin of the kingdom,
of which the story of Harihar and Bukka Rai seems to be more plausible;
the founders are said to have three more brothers. Similarly doubts have
been expressed about their Warrangal (Andhra ; origin) some evidence is
available to show that they were actually of Karnataka origin who were
‘legitimate successors’ to the Hoysala dynasty.

—Sewell A Forgotten Empire,op. cit; pp. 20-22; &

M. N. Venkata Ramanappa, South Indian History; op. cit; pp 154-58.

REGIONAL AND PROVINCIAL STATES

271

of protection against the sudden onslaught of the Turkish invaders.
It was named Vijayanagar. Harihar beeame its first ruler, and, on
his death in 1356, was succeeded by Bukka Rai who also enjoyed
a long reign of 21 years (1356-77). As a matter of expediency, the
two brothers did -not assume the royal titles and preferred to be
known as leaders of popular Hindu reaction against the Muslim
dominations of the south. During their life time, Vijayanagar
developed into a vast kingdom which extended from the
Tungbhadra valley in the north to the tip of the peninsula along
the eastern coast; the Muslim principality of Madura, which had
come into existence in 1355-36, was conquered and annexed to the
Vijayanagar kingdom by Bukka Rai towards the close of his reign.
The establishment of the Bahmani kingdom at Gulbarga checked
the advance of Vijayanagar towards the north. As narrated
earlier, the Bahmani kingdom and Vijayanagar entered into conflict
with each other for political dominance of the south and their
mutual rivalry ruined them in the long run. The rulers of Vijaya-
nagar championed the cause of Hinduism albeit they adopted •'
liberal and tolerant attitude towards their non-Hindu subjects.

The kingdom of Vijayanagar lasted 230 years and produced
three ruling dynasties. The ruling house founded by Harihar and
Bukka Rai came to be known as the Sangama dynasty after their
father Sangama. Harihar II (1377-1404), the third ruler of the
dynasty, assumed the imperial titles of maharaj dhiraja and raja
parnu’shwara. He consolidated his possessions into a well-admin-
istered kingdom and extended his dominions by the conquest of
Kanara, Mysore, Trichinopoly and Kanchi. He waged an inter-
mittent war with the Bahmanids for the possession of the Raichur
Doab, situated between the Krishna and the Tungbhadra rivers,
which formed a bone of contention between the two kingdoms. He
also invaded Ceylon and obtained tribute from its ruler. The
Vijayanagar kingdom exercised control over a number of sea ports,
the flourishing centres of maritime trade.

Devaraya II (1422-66) was one of the greatest monarchs of the
Sangama dynasty who overhauled the civil and military organisa-
tion of the state and waged many successful wars against his rivals.
Nicolo Conti and Abdur Razzak, the two foreign adventurers,
visited the kingdom of Vijayanagar during his reign. His succes-
sors proved to be weak during whose period the powers of the
state were usurped by their nobles. Virupaksha II, the last ruler
of the Sangama dynasty was deposed and later assassinated by his
all-powerful commander in chief Saluva Narasimha in 1485 who
laid the foundation of the Saluva dynasty.

The Saluva dynasty lasted two decades only from 1485 to
- 1505. Narasimha (1485-90), the founder, was a capable ruler who
recovered most of the territories which had been annexed by the
Bahmani sultans aad the Hindu ruler of Orissa during the reign of

272

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE STUDY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

the weak successors of Devaraya II. Narasimha was succeeded on
the throne of Vijayanagar by his two sons in quick succession,
both of whom were incompetent rulers. It provided an opportu-
nity to Vir Narasimha, the next commander in chief of Vijayanagar
to usurp the throne in 1 505. He laid the foundation of what is
called the Tuluva dynasty.

Vir Narasimha (3505-09) who ascended the throne by treacher-
ously murdering the reigning monarch Immadi Narasimha,
aroused resentment and opposition from many grandees of the
state. His authority was defied by some of the provincial gover-
nors and the feudatory chiefs. The internal revolts prompted the
Bahmanids and other neighbours to encroach upon the • territories
of Vijayanagar. Vir Narasimha had, therefore, to engage himself
in endless warfare against his interna! enemies and foreign invaders
during his short period of rule. On his death, Vir Narasimha was
succeeded by his half-brother Krishnadeva Raya (1509-29) who
was by far the greatest monarch of Vijayanagar. He suppressed
the internal revolts with an iron hand and restored law and order
within his dominions. He humbled the pride of Gajapati
Prataprudra, king of Orissa, in a number of well-contested actions;
the latter was compelled to give his daughter in marriage to the
victor and surrender all the territories over which Vijayanagar had
ever exercised any influence or claim. Krishnadeva Raya invaded
and conquered the Raichur Doab and defeated Sultan Adil Shah
of Bijapur in 1 520. The victorious Hindu army put the Bijapur
territories to loot and plunder; the historic fort of Gulbarga was
sacked and demolished. This revengeful and unbecoming conduct
of the Vijayanagar troops was deeply resented by the Muslim rulers
of the Deccan — the five successor states of the erstwhile Bahmani
kingdom. Krishnadeva Raya had friendly relations with the
Portuguese who had made their settlements along the western sea
coast. Albuquerque, the Portuguese governor of Goa, sent a
diplomatic-cum-trade mission to Vijayanagar in 1510 and secured
many concessions from its monarch. Krishnadeva Raya was an
excellent administrator, scholar and patron of art and learning; he
promoted Sanskrit as well as Telegu literature. He utilised the
resources of the state for the happiness and welfare of his subjects
and adopted a policy of religious toleration towards them. He was
loved and admired by his subjects for his noble qualities of head
and heart. The territorial jurisdictions, military prowess, prestige
and prosperity of Vijayanagar reached the apex of its glory during
the reign of Krishnadeva Raya.

The successors of Krishnadeva Raya were weak and incom-
petent rulers. Sadasiva, the last ruler of the dynasty, was a puppet
in the hands of his Brahmin prime minister Ram Raya who was
an able but arrogant man. Extremely ambitious and tactless, he
began to interfere in the mutual quarrels of the Muslim rulers o 1
the Deccan in the vain hope of reviving the prestige of Vijayanagar;

273

regional and provincial states

. . . hpm fight with one another. Ram Raya

for a while he m ? de £ ® n E d vandalism daring Ms military

displayed religious fanah^a ntons ^ ^ incurred the

expeditions into the , , ; i nnr ,u1 ation of the south as a whole,
indignation of the Muslim ^ B j; a p Ur> Golkunda and

Accordingly, the sul f ta ?f r ^ v ^d launched a joint attack on Vijaya-
Bidar formed a confederacy an a ^countered the enemies

nagar. The mighty army of Vijayangar^ & cmshing defea t at

at the battlefield of lalikota and r The whole of the army was
their hands on January JJj a nd beheaded and his royal

destroyed, Ram Raya Y 8 * m ca i culable treasure, arms, horses
camp was sacked which y d vs later the victorious armies
and much besides. A couple ° f f ^^gar with their minds ‘full
entered the unguarded towaofVy y J dered its inhabitants

SSIM3 SttTL countryside.

_ +n a violent end albeit the
• The glory cf Vijayanagar came toa ^ existence altogether,
kingdom itself could not be wiped on ^ ^ tak n part m
Sadasiva, the puppet ruler of Vi J< iyan gr, dgposed by Tirumala, a
the fateful battle of Talikota , h Raya, who set up his

brother of the deceased prime minister Ra^ J msdf the king of
headquarters at Penugonda an Q f tbe kingdom and

Vijayanagar. Gradu f lly ,J e rec0 X e t 5 desc J n dants continued to style
restored law and order there. t fi e tota i disrategrati

themselves as the kings of Vijayanagar until
of their possessions in 1614-10.

... .-u- -Rabmanids, were typical

The monarchs of Vijayanagar, 1 ® ^ comprised ministers,

oriental despots. Their executi ^. als Bra hmin priests and
provincial governors, military g •- j es of the crown and held
scholars; albeit all of . functions of the council were

office at the pleasure of the 1 atter, th ^^ration as well as army
purely advisory in nature. The r euda ] system of the p re- Musli
organisation were basea on Hin , ^ preserved along with it

days which seems to have been faithfully P Hs glory , was

manifold defects. The state, durmg^g y all intents and
divided roughly into 200 provinces wnicn,

nf Viiayanagar at the hands

3 Caesar Frederick describes the destruction ot Vyaya

of the Muslim armies as follows : d axsSi they carr^d the day

With fire and sword, with crowoaxs erbaps , n the history

after day their work of destrucliom^ fought and wrought suddenly.

of the world has such hav population m the tull P educed

on so srlended a city and .ndustnous P°p piUaged, and redu^a

of prosperity one day and on tl t^ sa cre and horrors beggaring
to rums, amid scenes of g History *

description^^ ^ ycnkata Ramanappa, South Indian

op. clt; p. 181.

274

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

purposes, were akin to the feudal estates, each under the charge of
a noble. Important governorships were held by princes of the
royal blood, their kinsmen, friends and favourites. The governors
enjoyed autonomous powers in their internal administration; they
recruited their own -armies and rendered military -service to the
king when needed. They paid to the royal exchequer not the net
proceeds of revenue but a specified annual tribute. Many of the
provincial units were actually ruled by hereditary feudal lords and
princes The provinces were divided into districts called nadu or
kottam, each of which comprised a couple of parganas and some
villages. The village panchayats administered their charge without
much interference from the higiier officials and helped in the
maintenance of peace and tranquillity in the countryside. The
benevolent monarchs constructed canals, dams and water reservoirs
for irrigation and promotion of agriculture. A lucrative maritime
trade with th£ countries of the Middle-East brought rich revenues
to the state. A brisk trade and commerce was carried out along
the sea coasts and within the dominions.

The ruleTs of the Bahmani and Vijayanagar kingdoms provided
a long era of peace and prosperity to the subjects in the southern
peninsula when the inhabitants'of Delhi had been suffering under
the misrule of their Lilliputian sultans.

Administration of the Sultanate

Islamic Theory of State

The Turkish sultans of Delhi brought with mem the Islamic
theory of state. It was based on a three-fold ideal of one scripture,
one sovereign and one nation ; scripture was the holy Quran,
sovereign was the Imam (leader), also called Khalifa or the
Caliph (successor to the Prophet), and nation was the millat (the
Muslim brotherhood). The basic feature of the state, according
to the Islamic theory, was its ‘indivisibility’ in all the three
aspects. Tt contemplated the establishment of a theocratic state
based on the Islamic law and recommended only one sovereign,
the Caliph, to rule over the whole of the Muslim world. The Caliph
was styled as the amir ul momnin — ‘the leader of the faithful’ ; his
office was thus a political institution based on Islamic injunctions.
The sovereignty resided in the millat who elected their Imam or
the Caliph, and the latter was under religious obligation to im-
plement the Islamic law on and for the benefit of his Muslim
subjects. The Islamic government was, therefore, one which was
composed of the Muslims, by the Muslims and existed for the
happiness and welfare of the Muslims alone. This theory had
gradually developed and undergone radical changes long before
the establishment of the sultanate of Delhi. The monarchical
form of government, the basic feature of the sultanate, was itself
an extra-Quranic growth which had evolved and entered the
fold of Islam on the Persian soil.

Nature and Character of the Sultanate

The sultanate of Delhi was ‘an Islamic state’ whose monarchs,
the dominant nobility and the higher administrative hierarchy
belonged to the Muhammadan faith. Theoretically, the sultans
were expected to enforce the Islamic law ( shariat ) in the land and
administer their dominions in a way as to transform the dar ul

276

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

horb (land of the infidels) into dar id Islam. They professed
nominal allegiance to the Caliph and felt pride in obtaining in-
vestiture from him. With the exception of Alauddin Khalji and
Mubarak Shah Khalji, all other sultans styled themselves as
deputies of the Caliph with the titles such as ncisir-i-amir-ul-momnin
(assistant of the leader of the faithful) or yamin-ul-khalifu (the
right-hand man of the Caliph). In actual practice, however, the
sultans were sovereign rulers who did not derive their powers from
nor depended upon any external force, not even the Caliphs.
Being foreign adventurers, who were called upon to rule over vast
territories of India, they thought it politically expedient to
maintain formal contacts with the Islamic world beyond the
Khyber so as to produce a psychic fear among the Hindus by
alluding to the potential source of their strength. Similarly, they
usually professed to administer the Islamic law though the poli-
tical institutions set up by them did not always conform to the
Islamic principles. These were deeply influenced by the Indian
traditions and customs and incorporated many elements of the
ancient Rajput polity with or without modifications. Some of
the practices and policies of the sultanate were actually opposed to
the spirit of the Islamic law

Central Government 1

The Sultan : The Muslim rulers of Delhi assumed the title of
‘sultan’ ; it remained in vogue throughout the early medieval
period and was popular even among the provincial and regional
Muslim dynasties which sprang up on the ruins of the sultanate.
Babar was the first Muslim monarch of India who replaced this
title with that of padshah in 1526. The term ‘sultan’ connoted
‘power’ or ‘authority’ and was sometimes applied to the provincial
governors of the Caliphs who were entrusted with the general
administration of their charge. Mahmud of Ghazni was perhaps
the first independent Muslim ruler who styled himself as sultan.
By the time the Turks conquered India, the term ‘sultan’ had
become a popular and universally recognised title for the sovereign
Muslim rulers.

The sultans of Delhi were, therefore, independent rulers of
their territorial possessions and did not owe their sovereignty to
any earthly power, neither the Caliph nor the millat. Their
nominal allegiance tc the Caliph was a matter of courtesy or at

1. For details refer to

I.H. Qureshi, The administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, Lahore, 1944.
R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration: 2nd ed; Ailanaoaa,
1959.

K.A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the
Thirteenth Century; Bombay, 1961.

Yusuf Husain, htdo-Musilm Polity (. Turko-Afghan Period ) ; Simla, 1971.
U.N. Day, The Government of the Sultanate; New Delhi, 1972.

ADMINISTRATION OF THE SULTANATE 277

the best a socio-political expediency. Theoretically, sovereignty
resided in the milieu which was supposed to elect the sultan but,
in actual practice, the millat served as the mainstay of the Muslim
monarchy in geneial. The millat could voice its approval or
disapproval of the policies and actions of a particular sultan
albeit it could neither elect a sultan according to the modern
democratic norms nor depose an incompetent or unworthy ruler.
The kingdom of Delhi was carved out and extended by some
capable and ambitious military generals by force of arms and .they
wielded the crown by their ability and military prowess alone.
Moreover, overwhelming majority of their raiyyat — ‘the subjects’,
happened to be non-Muslims and the so called millat constituted
but a part of it.

The strength or weakness of the sultanate depended upon
the personality and character of the sultan. His government was
based on highly centralised despotic principles. Some of the
sultans formally introduced the Islamic law within their domi-
nions, albeit there was no rule of law in the sultanate ; word of
the sultan was treated as law. Alauddin Khalji, backed by a
strong army, could afford to defy the Islamic principles of govern-
ment and administration, make the ulema subservient to him
and declare that he was the state.

The founding fathers of the sultanate did not belong to any
ruling house or families of high social status ; they started their
careers as slaves, not even as ordinary free citizens. Therefore,
they did not claim any noble pedigree or hereditary right to hold
the crown ; even if they did, none took them seriously. There was
no fixed law of succession to the throne among them. Assump-
tion of the crown depended on the dictum: ‘survival of the
fittest’ and ‘might is right’. No wonder, sultan occupied the
most privileged position in the administrative set up of the
sultanate. He was a military despot ; all the powers of the state,
whether executive, legislative, judicial or military, were concen-
trated in his hands. He was the pivot round which the entire
administrative structure of the sultanate revolved. The sultan
was the chief executive, sole legislator, the fountain-head of justice
and the supreme commander of the armed forces. He made
appointments to all the top civil and military offices and the
entire bureaucracy functioned under his personal direction and
control. The Muslim jurists assigned ten functions or duties to
the sultan in his capacity as the chief executive of an Islamic state.
These comprised, protection of the faith, defence of the Muslim
territories, protection of the frontiers of the state against foreign
aggression, war against the enemies of Islam, enforcement of the
criminal code and maintenance of law and order, administration
of justice, collection of revenues, disbursement of grants and
wages to those who deserved an allowance from the public
exchequer, appointment of trustworthy and capable counsellors

278

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

and administrators and control of the public affairs through
personal inspections and supervision of the administrative
machinery. The sultan forfeited his claim to the throne if he
failed to perform these duties deliberately or disregarded them
wilfulfy; His duties towards the non-Muslim subjects were also
well-defined by the Islamic Jaw. The ‘infidels’ were not treated
as full-fledged citizens of the Islamic state ; nevertheless, once
they acknowledged the suzerainty of the state and agreed to pay
jaziya, they acquired the .status of the zimmis, and the sultan was
under obligatibn to protect their lives and property and
accord them freedom of worship and social life.

The Ministers : The sultan was assisted in the discharge of
his functions by a number of dignitaries. Delhi as the metro-
polis of Islamic culture in the subcontinent attracted rich talent
from all over the Muslim world. The sultans were great patrons
of foreign immigrants who were readily absorbed into the impe-
rial service according to their qualifications, competence and
taste. Reputed generals, experienced administrators, scholars and
the theologians flocked to their court and offered services to the
state. The sultan, therefore, enjoyed wonderful opportunities
to select from among the wisest and experienced men of the age
as his counsellors, ministers, heads of the departments and
military generals. The business of the state was transacted in a
magnificent durbar of the royal court which by itself constituted
an important political institution of the times. The sultans orga-
nised their courts on the Persian model and spent lavishly on
their maintenance. A review of Balban’s court, as given elsewhere
in this study, throws a flood of light on this institution.

To begin with, the sultans of the ‘slave dynasty’ constituted
four ministries at the top level ; these were held by the wazir,
the ariz-i-mamalik, the diwan-i-insha, and the diwan-i-risalat.
After sometime there came into existence an extraordinary officer
of the state, styled as naib ul mulk or malik naib — ‘the regent’ or
the deputy sultan. At occasions, the offices, of the wazir and
malik naib were held by one and the same person particularly
when the sultan happened to be weak. Under normal circum-
stances, however, the malik-naib enjoyed less powers than those
wielded by the wazir. When the sultanate was well established,
two more departmental heads were raised to the status of central
ministers ; they were the sadr-us-sadur and the diwan-i-qaza. The
commander of the royal army, next after the sultan, the crown
prince, if so nominated, .and the above mentioned six or seven
dignitaries constituted the nucleus of the council of advisers,
called majlis-i-am or majlis-i-khalwat which comprised the most
trusted and the highest officers of the state. The sultan generally
discussed all important matters of the realm in this council. It
had no constitutional validity, of course. It was only an advisory
council, a consultative body whose decisions were not binding

ADMINISTRATION OF THE SULTANATE

279

on the sultan ; nevertheless, a wise sultan preferred to carry
his counsellors with him in the formulation and implementation
of important state policies.

The wazir, also styled as vakil or the vakil-us-sultanate, was
the prime minister and his department was called the diwan-i-
wizarat. The wazir was head of the finance department and
usually held overall charge of the entire administrative set up ;
he stood midway between the sultan and his subjects. He did
not, however, possess disciplinary control over the other central
ministers. As head of the finance department, the wazir laid the
fiscal policy of the state in consultation with the sultan, tapped
the various sources of income, made arrangements for collection
and safe custody of the revenues and exercised complete control
over the expenditure on civil as well as military establishments.
He was assisted in the discharge of his financial duties by two
junior ministers — mushrif and mustaufi. The mushrif could be
defined as the accountant general while the mustafi functioned
somewhat like an auditor general. The naib wazir acted as
deputy to the prime minister. The wazir recruited higher civil
services with the approval of the sultan and exercised control
over the bureaucracy. The wazir was, of course, the most
trustworthy associate of the sultan who acted in harmony with
the sovereign. A powerful minister always stood the chance to
dominate his weak master and behave as de facto ruler by
making the sultan a puppet in his hands.

Ariz i mamalik was head of the army’ establishment or the
ministry of defence, called the diwati i arz. He was responsible
for the organisation and maintenance of the royal army and
exercised disciplinary control over it albeit he was not ex officio
the commander in chief. His duties included recruitment of the
defence personnel, fixation of their salaries, preparation of the
muster rolls, equipment of the army and its deployment at the
capital or other strategic places within the dominions or along the
borders. The review of the army and branding of the horses was
done by the ariz i mamalik. It was a part of his duty to construct,
maintain and garrison the forts. In times of war, the ariz i
mamalik prepared and allocated the contingents for action. Very
often he accompanied the armies on the war front and acted in
subordination to the commander in chief. He made the commis-
sarial arrangements and met the multifarious needs of the soldiers.
After the military operation, the ariz i mamalik supervised the
booty and secured the share of the state from the soldiers. The
defence personnel looked to him for promotions, enhancement
of emoluments and other privileges. The strength, efficiency and
discipline of the royal armies depended much upon the character
and competence of the ariz i mamalik. He was assisted in the
discharge of his duties by one or more naibs or deputy ministers.

280

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Diwan-i-insha : The department of correspondence and records
of the royal court was called diwan-i-insha; it was held under the
charge of a central minister, variously known as the dabir-i-
mamalik, dabir-i-khas or amir munshi. This department was the
main source of communication between the royal court and the
provincial and local governments, feudatory chieftains, military
generals and the foreign powers. It drafted firmans of the sultan
meant for the grandees of the empire and letters for the foreign
rulers; and, in turn, received letters, reports and petitions of the
latter addressed to the royal court or sultan. By the very nature
of his duties, the dabir-i-mamalik was expected to be a highly
educated man, an expert in Islamic jurisprudence and diplomacy.
He acted as private secretary of the sultan and maintained perfect
secrecy about all that transpired in his department. He utilised
the services of scholars in various languages who drafted the
letters, and employed an army of caliigraphists and dubirs (clerks)
who prepared the copies of the correspondence; it was because,
in the absence of the modern printing facilities, the firmans-, once
prepared and approved by the sultan, had to be copied out for
despatch to a number of dignitaries at a time. The dabir-i-mamalik
displayed diplomatic skill in communicating the sentiments of the
sultan to his important officers and foreign rulers and seems to have
been ‘responsible for keeping the empire intact by its diplomatic
manoeuvres’. 1

The diwan-i-risalat constituted the fourth pillar of the impe-
rial administration of the sultanate. There is some difference
of opinion among modern scholars regarding the exact funciions
performed by this ministry; may be, different types of functions
were entrusted to it during the reign of various ruling dynasties.
Under the period of the ‘slave dynasty’, the head of this depart-
ment was sadr-us-sadur who was primarily a minister for ecclesias-
tical affairs, he managed the religious endowments and disbursed
grants and stipends to the ulema, shaikhs and other holy men.
In his capacity as rasul of the sultan, he also received appeals and
complaints from the public and redressed their grievances. It so
appears that, at occasions, he was also called upon to receive
ambassadors and envoys from the foreign rulers and introduce
them to the sultan. During the reign of Alauddin Khalji, this
department was taken out of the hand of the sadr and either re-
named or replaced by another department, called the diwan i
riyasat. Its primary function was to implement the economic
regulations issued by the sultan and control the markets and
prices, the details of which have already been given in chapter
six of this study. After the death of Alauddin Khalji, the diwan
i riyasat lost its importance and the office of the sadr us sadtir—
the chief executive of the ecclesiastical affairs, assumed a premier
role once again. The diwan-i-qaza was held by qazi-id-qazat or
qazi-i-mamalik ; he was the chief qazi (justice of peace) as well as

2 U.N. Day, Government of the Sultanate, op. cit., p. 76.

ADMINISTRATION OF THE SULTANATE

281

incharge of the judicial organisation of the state. Usually the
offices of the sadr and the chief qazi were combined in a single
person.

Other Imperial Officers : There were a number of royal
departments and services which did not fall within the control of
the above-mentioned central ministries; their officers were under
the direct supervision of the sultan and some of them wielded
great influence upon the sovereign and the royal court. Barid-i-
mamalik was head of the information and intelligence department.
Vakil-i-dar was incharge of the royal household and can better be
called the Lord High Steward. Amiar-i-barbak was superintendent
of the royal court who assigned places to the nobility in accordance
with their rank and status and maintained the dignity of the
court. Amir-i-hajib kept an eye on all the visitors to the court
and presented them to the sultan in accordance with the court
etiquette. Amir-i-majlis arranged the meetings of the royal
assembly, special celebrations and feasts. The personal body-
guards of the sultan were called jandars whose officer in charge
was known as sar-i-jandar. Amir-i- shikar organised the royal hunts
and constituted an important part of the royal entourage. The
kotwal and the qazi of the metropolis were treated among the
important imperial officers of the state. The chief queen, usually
styled malika-i-jahan, or the queen mother, often called the
makhduma-i-jahan or khudawanda-i-jahan, wielded great socio-
political influence on the royal household. The importance of
these dignitaries fluctuated from time to time and depended upon
a particular situation or the personal whims, tastes and require-
ments of the various sultans. All the ministers, including the
wazir, and other high officers were mere creatures of the sultan;
they held office at his pleasure.

Provincial Government

The provincial government of the sultanate was nor so well
developed as that of the imperial Mughals. Akbar was, in fact,
the founder of the subas or the Indian provinces as we understand
them today ; it was he who created a uniform system of provin-
cial government throughout his empire. The territories of the
sultanate could be broadly divided into two parts— the khalsa or
the land held under the direct administrative control of the central
government, and the jagirs ; the latter comprised the land
under the autonomous control of the tributary Hindu chieftains
and the iqtas, or the rent free estates held by the Muslim nobility
in lieu of state service. The Khalsa could be further split up
into two categories from the point of view of administrative
control. Tbe first category comprised the northwestern region,
inclusive of the provinces of Lahore and Multan, the Doab and
the Gangetic valley upto the borders of Bihar and Bengal. The
provincial governors of this region, usually called walis or

282

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

muqtas, were under the firm control of the imperial government
under normal circumstances. The second part of the khalsa
included the distant provinces of Gujarat, Malvva, Bihar, Bengal
and those of the Deccan under the Tughluqs. Their governors
enjoyed sufficient autonomy in their internal administration,
maintained huge armies and were usually very influential men.
Some of them inherited their governorships and received the
titles of naib sultans, viz. the deputies of the sultan in their own
respective regions. The hold of the imperial government over
them was not always very strong.

The provincial government was an exact replica of the central
government. The wali or governor acted as deputy of the sultan
in his province and was directly responsible to the sultan. Being
the chief executive of the province, he was responsible for the
defence of his charge and the maintenance of law and order
therein. He was commander of the provincial army. He held
a small court but ordinarily was not authorised to use the canopy
or the other royal insignia. The other provincial dignitaries
were the wazir or vakil, ariz, sadr and the qazi. They were
appointed sometimes by the central government but very often
by the governor with the approval of the sultan ; their functions
corresponded to their counterparts in Delhi. None of them claimed
equality of status with the governor ; rather they had to act in
subordination to the latter. In some provinces, the sultan appointed
an imperial officer called sahib i diwan on the recommenda-
tion of the prime minister ; he controlled the provincial revenues
and exercised a sort of check on the powers and activities of the
governor.

Local Government

The local administrative units of the provincial government
of the sultanate were very vague and undefined. The district
or tehsil-level administration as it took its form during the reign
of Sher Shah Suri was a far cry albeit we have the evidence to
show that some of the provinces were divided into shiqs or
districts which were governed by the shiqdars. Each sltiq comprised
a few parganas whose number was not fixed. Wherever this
division existed, the shiqdar acted as the chief executive of the
district who maintained law and order within his territorial juris-
diction with the help of a small locally recruited militia or army.
He suppressed the refractory khuts, muqaddams and the zamindars
and helded the amil in the collection of land revenue and other
taxes. The pargana or qasba was an aggregate of villages,
numbering about one hundred (a sadi) according to Ibn Battuta.
The government officials of a pargana, after the shiqdar were an
amil, mushrif. khazandar and qazi. The amil collected revenues,
the mushrif kept the accounts, and khazandar safeguarded the
treasury. The qazi decided the civil suits while shiqdar dealt

ADMINISTRATION OF THE SULTANATE

283

with the criminal justice. The police chief or the town, called
kotwal , acted in subordination to the shiqdar . or in his absence,
to the governor direct. The military officers in charge of the
fort along with their adjoining territories, were called faujdars.
At the lowest ladder stood the villages which were governed by
their local panchayats. These^ were mostly the self-supporting,
self-dependent administrative units which constituted the backbone -
of the Indian polity even during the early medieval period.

Fiscal Policy

The fiscal policy of the sultanate was based on the theory of
taxation as propounded by the Hanafi school of thought among
the Muslim jurists. It prescribed the lew of four kinds of taxes —
zakat, kharaj, khams, and jaziya. The zakat was a religious tax, -
paid by the Muslims ‘as an act of piety'’ for the benefit and
welfare of their co-religionists ; it was charged at the rate of 2.5
per cent of the actual income or property. The kharaj was the
land revenue which varied from 10 to 50 per cent of the agricul-
tural produce and was payable in cash or kind. The tributary'
Hindu chiefs also paid tribute or kharaj in lump sum. The khtfiiis
constituted the state’s share of the booty acquired by the soldiers
in the course of war. The Islamic law required the soldiers to
surrender one-fifth of the spoils to the sovereign whereas powerful
monarchs demanded much more ; so much so that Alauddin
Khalji wanted his soldiers to hand over four-fifths of it to the
state exchequer. As stated elsewhere in this study, the jaziya
was a poll tax charged from the Hindus in their capacity as
zimmis ; they were defied the right of full-fledged citizenship of
the state. Jaziya was collected from all able-bodied grown-up
males. The Hindu population was divided into three grades on
the basis of their economic standing ; the richest among them
paid 48 dirhams, the second grade 24 dirhams , and the third 12
dirhams per annum* The nature of the tax, the mode of its
collection and its implications on the Hindu-Muslim relations
have long been the subject of historical analysis and detailed
treatment by modem scholars, hence it is not deemed necessary'
to say much about these aspects in this study.

In spite of the extensive reforms carried out in the land
revenue system by Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughluq,
the sultans of Delhi failed to develop a progressive' system of land
revenue based on the measurement of land and assessment of the
state demand in proportion to the actual produce. The agra-
rian reforms of Alauddin Khalji and the revolutionary' changes
introduced in the fiscal policy by him and Muhammad bin
Tughluq fizzled out in the hands of their less imaginative and
shortsighted successors. Firoze Tughluq revived the jagir
system with a vengeance, the evil effects of which have already
been discussed elsewhere in this study.

284

advanced study in the history OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

The Iqta System

The iqtadari was a unique type of land distribution system
evolved during the sultanate period, the parallel of which is hard
to find elsewhere in the history of India ; the feudal estates of
the Rajput era and the jagirdari system of the Mughals were
quite distinct from it. It was a system of the allotment of vast
tracts of land, called iqtas, among the military nobles. As we
know, the conquest of the country by the Turks is a paradox of
Indian history. A handful of the Turkish nobles, assisted
by thousands (but not lakhs) of the adventurers, apparently
strangers to the land and its people, scored a military victory and
set up as rulers. The number of the victors was very small, rather
insignificant, as compared with the teeming millions who had
been subjugated by them. The conquerors established their mili-
tary hold over important towns and fortifications albeit the vast
land mass of the countryside with the bulk of the Indian popula-
tion was yet to be explored and conquered. In order to faci-
litate this task, the sultans parcelled out their vague and undefined
dominions into iqtas and distributed these among their
ambitious and enterprising nobles. The latter, called the iqtadars
or muqtas, were instructed to carry on aggressive campaigns against
the powerful and refractory Hindu chiefs in thier region and
bring them under effective subjugation. The iqta was a half-
conquered ' and poorly administered territory over which the
assignee was expected to establish a firm hold, and introduce - civil
administration there as he thought fit or feasible. The iqtadar
recruited his own army which was made self-supporting by uti-
lising the resources of his possessions. He held the iqta almost
as a rent-free grant in lieu of the state service. He paid to the
sovereign a specified amount of kharaj or offered presents in cash
or kind, including gold, silver, horses, elephants or other pre-
cious articles every year and rendered military service to the state
when needed.

The iqtadars were not ordinary jagirdar's or holders of rent-
free assignments ; they made personal contribution towards the
expansion and consolidation of the Turkish rule in India in the
thirteenth century. Most of them were self-made men who held
the iqtas as their personal estates which were passed on to their
descendants in heritage. The emergence of hereditary iqtadars
or feudal lords among the Turkish nobility laid the foundations
of their rule very deep in the Indian soil. Balban failed to
eradicate the hereditary iqtadars. Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad
bin Tbghluq struck a serious blow to them by the abolition of
the jagirdari system. They retained the iqtas as administrative
units but changed the character of their holders. They resumed
the hereditary iqtas which were entrusted to civil-cum-military
servants who acted somewhat like district officers under the
overall supervision of the regional or provincial governors. As

ADMINISTRATION OF THE SULTANATE

285

the provincial government of the sultanate was not well-developed,
some of the iqtadars were under the direct control of the imperial
government and were treated as provincial governors for all
intents and purposes. Politically important or prosperous iqtas
were given to the princes of the royal blood as their personal
estates. The evil of hereditary iqtadars was revived by the
successors of Alauddin Khalji and subsequently made universal by
Firoze Tughluk who parcelled out the whole of his kingdom into
iqtas or fiefs which were distributed among the nobles as
rent-free assignments. Theoretically, the iqtadars were under
obligation to remit their surplus revenues to the state treasury
and get their accounts- checked by the royal auditors of the
diwan i wizarat. Of course, the sultan granted villages, agricul-
tural lands or residential places as rent-free grants to scholars,
saints and others within an iqta which were excluded from the
jurisdiction of the iqtadars. The latter, in turn, granted free
assignments to their relations, subordinates and brilliant lieute-
nants thus strengthening and perpetuating the feudal element in
the administrative hierarchy of the sultanate.

The Judiciary

The sultans transplanted foreign law and legal institutions in
India which did not take deep roots during the early medieval
period. They implemented shariat or the Islamic law of crime and
punishment, the main sources of which were the Ouran. the
Hadis, and the Ijma. The holy scripture contained the ‘divine
revelations’, the Hadis comprised the traditions and precepts of
the Prophet in matters of law and religion, while the Ijma (consen-
sus of opinion) referred to the legal decisions taken by the
Muslim jurists ( mujtahids ) on the authority and by the interpreta-
tion of the first two sources. As regards the Muslims, the
application of the Islamic law to them treated as ‘personal’ and
indispensable while the Hindus were exempt from the application
of the religious part of the law. The latter were governed by their
own traditions, customs and the personal law which was interpre-
ted with the aid of learned pandits in their own panchayats albeit
a Hindu was subjected to the Islamic law when the rival party in
dispute happened to be a Muslim or the state.

The judicial system of the sultanate was not very complex.
The ecclesiastical cases were separated from the civil and criminal
suits. The sultan as the fountain of justice usually aspired to
earn reputation as the just monarch ; his durbar constituted
the highest civil and criminal court of justice which took up
original as well as appellate cases. The sultan personally heard
the disputes and administered justice with the assistance of muftis
who interpreted the law for him. Below the sultan, there was
the court of qazi-ul-quzat or the chief justice of the empire who
was appointed by the sultan and held office at his pleasure. The

286

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

chief qazi was incharge of the main judicial organisation of the
state. He appointed the provincial qazis, issued rules and regu-
lations for the proper, functioning of the provincial and local
courts and exercised disciplinary control over the judicial services.
Almost every important town had a qazih court. Muhtasib,
the censor of public morals, acted as palice-cum-judge in the
observance of the canon law by the Muslims. The provincial
governors, iqtadars and other executive officers possessed some
judicial powers also ; even the faujdars and kotwals were autho-
rised to settle petty criminal cases and inflict punishments on the
defaulters. Ordinarily, the high officers did not discriminate
between the exercise of their executive .and judicial functions.
The amils and other revenue officials decided the revenue disputes.
The village panchayats enjoyed the sanction of the state to
administer justice according to the local tradition, customs and the
personal lav,' of the populace. The penal code was severe ;
physical torture and capital punishment constituted an essential
part of it. Deterrent punishments were inflicted on the rebels
and enemies of the state.

The Nobility

The sultanate was based on the active support and coope-
ration of the nobility, referred to as the ahl i shamshir or ahl i
saif— the men of the sword’. They constituted the backbone
of the sultanate and formed a part and parcel of the sovereign
power. The nobles commanded the armies and contributed
towards the establishment and expansion of the sultanate. They
supplied ministers, provincial governors, iqtadars and other high
executive officers from among them and exercised great influence
on the state policies. The crown was not beyond the reach of
a capable and ambitious noble. The nature, character and the
role of the Turkish nobility has been discussed in detail in chapter
5 of this studv, captioned ‘Foundation of the Delhi Sultanate’.
Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughluq established their
despotic rule by curtailing the powers of the nobility ; the latter,
however, reasserted themselves during the reigns of the weak
sultans and set up either as king-makers or de facto rulers of the
territories under their control. The character and the role of the
turbulent Afghan nobility who brought into existence the elective
tribal monarchy of the Lodhis has also been discussed in suffi-
cient detail in ’chapter 8 of this study. The disaffected and
demoralised nobility ultimately brought about the fall of the
sultanate.

The Ulema*

After the nobles, the ulema ( ahl i qalani)—t he Muslim intel-
lectuals and theologians exercised a great influence on the policies

* Also spelt Ulama

ADMINISTRATION OF THE SULTANATE

287

and functions of the state ; together with the nobility’ they
constituted the first two estates of the Muslim society, styled
as the umara. They interpreted the Islamic law and regarded
themselves as the spiritual guardians of the Islamic state. They
manned the judicial . and ecclesiastical services and held an
exclusive control over the mosques, religious establishments and
educational institutions. They enjoyed respect and prestige
among the Muslim masses and, because of their popular appeal,
demanded attention of the sultan and the nobility alike. The sultan
always felt obliged to treat them with due deference : even the most
powerful Sultan Alauddin Khalji paid them lip-service and kept
them in good humour bv extending liberal state patronage.
Muhammad bin Tughluq had to pay heavily when he incurred
the displeasure of the ulema as a class. Under the weak or
orthodox sultans, the ulema asserted their influence in state politics.
The sadr-us-sadur and qazi-ul-quzat were usually their high priests.

Military Organisation

The sultanate was military dictatorship ; it owed its genesis
to the military victory of the Turks over the Indian rulers in the
twelfth and the thirteenth centuries, and its strengh and stability
depended primarily on its strong and efficient army. The
military organisation of the Turks was based on Turkish and
Mongol models. The sultan and all the grandees of the sultanate
were basically militarymen whose titles denoted social status by
way of . a military gradation. According to CRengiz Khan’s
classification of his nobility, a khan commanded 10,000 horse, a
malik 1,000 and an amir 100. During the sultanate period, the
socio-political gradation of the imperial officers, collectively known
as the umara (plural of the term amir) remained the same
although the exact numerical strength of the soldiery commanded
by them was seldom adhered to.

The army of the Turks was primarily composed of the cavalry
and infantry ; a horseman, however, occupied a place of pride
in it. The war elephants were in great demand ; they were put
to a better use by the Turks against their Indian foes. Besides
their actual use in the war, the Turks also employed them as
beasts of burden for the quick transport of armament and the
foot soldiers on the war front. The soldiers used bows and arrows,
spears, swords, battle axes and daggers as the offensive weapons
of war while their defensive weapons included the shields, mails
of steel and protective headgears. The horseman and his horse
were both well-protected; the animal was provided with iron
trappings so as to cover the whole of its body and a thick iron
plate for the protection of its head. The Turkish horsemen were
excellent archers who could aim at their targets with precision
while moving at full speed on their horsebacks. The forts were a
prized possession of the Turks; infantry was of great use to them
in laying siege to the forts. The catapults and other mechanical

288

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

means were employed for hurling big stones and combustible
material on the besiegers and for setting fire to the enemy’s camps-

The army organisation of the sultans was basad ’ on feudal
principles which cari ied all the inherent defects of the system
with it. Alauddin raised a strong and well-equipped standing
army, paid in cash by the state, but his successors failed to retain
the standard and efficiency of the royal troops as developed by
him. Some failures of the feudal organisation of army during
the reign of Firoze Tughluq have already been elaborated in this
study. He substituted the system of cash payments by the grant
of jagirs or rent-free assignments to the soldiery and introduced
hereditary and life-long military service. The branding of the
horses, taking of the descriptive rolls of the soldiers and annual
review of troops by the’ Sultan fell into disuse. Firoze Tughluq
was personally responsible for the decay and deterioration of the
once mighty and ‘invincible' army of the sultanate.

Public Works: Architectural Monuments of the Sultans

Ancient India had a strong and well-developed architectural
tradition. The Turkish conquerors occupied the principal Indian
towns which became the hubs of their political activity at the
central, provincial and local levels. These were flourishing urban
habitats of the Hindus, adorned with magnificent buildings and
public monuments albeit the sultans and their ruling elite were
eager to maintain their separate identity as victors; therefore,
they usually held themselves aloof from the residential quarters
of the Hindus. Moreover, _they had a living style of their own and
brought with them the Islamic tradition of architecture which was
quite distinct from that of the ancient Indian art and architecture.
Accordingly, they initiated a vigorous architectural activity as a
matter of necessity and taste and raised new townships, ver\ often
in close proximity to the ancient Indian towns, throughout the
-sultanate for their official and personal residential purposes. The
Muslim rulers adopted Delhi as their royal capital where they
constructed as many as seven new ’cities’ or architectuial complexes
in the neighbourhood of the old town during the period of their
rule. Their provincial governors and local officers did likewise
at their places of residence and administrative control. Their
building activity was akin to the ‘model town movement’ which
gained momentum in India after the dawn of independence, parti-
cularly, during the fifties of the present century before it was over-
taken by the subsequent mad rush for modernisation and unwieldy
expansion of our towns and cities.

The Sultans of Delhi were great builders. They founded many
new towns throughout the century which became flourishing cen-
tres of trade and commerce before long. They built royal palaces,
forts, public buildings, mosques, madrasas, monasteries ( dargahs ),

ADMINISTRATION OF THE SULTANATE

289

serais and mausoleums. Most of their forts, madrasas, serais and
palaces have either disappeared altogether or lie in ruins albeit, a
large number of beautiful mosques and tombs built by the sultans
or during their age have survived the wear and tear of time and
constitute the living monuments of the sultanate period uptil this
day. The growth and development of Muslim architecture during
the sultanate period to-dc place in three phases. During the first
phase were erected the buildings at Lahore, Ajtner and Delhi by
the ‘slave’ and the Khalji monarchs; the construction of buildings
by the Tughluqs constitutes the second phase, quite distinct and
advanced from the earlier one. The development of architectural
monuments by the sultans of Delhi also suffered a setback after
the downfall of the Tughluq dynasty; albeit by this time, the
architectural activities had shifted to the provincial and regional
capitals of the sultanate whose governors, particularly after dec-
laring their independence, beautified their capitals by the erection
of magnificent palaces, mosques and other public monuments.
This marked the third phase of development of architecture during
the period under review.

Qutubuddin Aibek started with the construction of mosques
as symbols of Islamic victory over the infidel lands. The mosques
of Quwat-ul-Islam at Delhi and Adhai din ka Jhonpra at Ajmer
were built by him out of the material of demolished Hindu temples
during the period of his viceroyalty. The building complex raised
by him round about the Qila-i-Rai-Pithaura (the fort of Prithvi
Raj Chauhan) was the first of the ‘seven cities of Delhi’ built by
the sultans. Aibek started the construction of the world-famous
Qutub Minor in 1199, in the memory of a sufi saint Khwaja Qutu-
buddin Bakhtiyar Kaki; it was completed by Iltutmish. The tomb
of Iltutmish, l uilt by the Sultan during his lifetime near the Quwat-
ul-Islam mosque, is a beautiful monument of the Persian art.
It contains a single chamber, made up of red sandstone with an
outer layer of grey granite. It has arched entrances on three sides
and a mehrab, flanked by two small arched entrances on the fourth
side. An entirely different type of tomb was built by Iltutmish
on the grave of his son Nasiruddin Mahmud; it is called the Sultan
Gharhi and is situated at a distance of about three miles from the
Qutub Minor in Malkapur. Its exterior is made of grey granite
stone and white marble while its inner base is octagonal in
form and the roof is supported by beautiful pillars, with deco-
rative capitals and arches of the Hindu architectural designs.
Balban’s tomb, situated to the southeast of Qila i Rai Pithaura, is
a square chamber, covered by a dome which has doorways on all
sides. It is also furnished with the arches of the Hindu style.

Alauddin Khalji took keen interest in the building activities.
He prepared an elaborate plan for the extension of the archi-
tectural complex in the Qutab area. Alai Darwaza, ‘a treasure-gem
of Islamic architecture’ was completed in 131T ; it served as

290 ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

an entrance to the imperial campus. Its building consists of a
square hall covered by a dome, with arched doorways on each
of its four sides. It is made of red sandstone, pricked out by
white marble strips and enriched by calligraphic inscriptions and
decorative carvings. Alauddin built a new fort and the im-
perial’ township of Siri— the second of ‘seven cities of Delhi’.
It was situated to the north of the Qutub complex and its
foundation was laid in 1303. Here the Sultan built a magnificent
palace, Mahal Hazra Sutun — ‘the palace of thousand pillars’.
The entire town now lies in ruins and is located by the bare
outlines of an erstwhile extensive tank, called Hauz i lllahi or
Hauz i Khas. Alauddin had also built the Jamait Khana mosque
'wholly in conformity with Muslim ideas’ within the * enclosure
of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya’s shrine ; it was extended during the
Tughluq period.

The early sultans displayed their vanity and splendour as
conquerors of the land by spending lavishly on the construction of
public buildings which were marked by elaborate ornamentation
and decorative features of heterogeneous character. The Tughluq
monarchs were more realists in handling this work. They con-
structed beautiful buildings to provide more comfort and luxury
to their dwellers at much less cost. Their buildings, though ‘less
elegant and artistic’ in an abstract sense, were marked by
simplicity and austerity. Ghiasuddin Tughluq founded the ‘third
city’ of Delhi, named Tughluqabad, to the east of the Qutub
complex. It was a short of fortified township built on a hill top
and protected by its own double or triple defensive walls. The
soldier sultan built his own mausoleum beneath the walls of
the city with which it was connected by a causeway. The tomb
is made of red sandstone with inlays of marble and has an
irregular pentagonal base ; it is surmounted by a huge dome of
marble and the entire structure is enclosed by a battlemented
sloping wall with a massive bastion at each corner’, thus giving
it the shape of a fortress.

The small fortress of Adilabad, situated in the neigh-
bourhood of Tughluqabad, was constructed by Muhammad bm
Tughluq. He founded Jahanpanah, ‘the fourth - city of Delhi’ in
between and by linking the first and the second ‘cities’ by walls
of huge thickness. The entire structure now lies in ruins with
the exception of Sathpalah Band and the Bijai Mandat. The
Sultan must have made a great contribution towards the
construction of public buildings at Daulatabad in the south which
was made the imperial capital by him for a short while ; most of
his buildings have, however, disappeared because of the poor
building material used in their construction. Firoze Tughluq was
a builder par excellence who made a rich contribution towards
the construction of public works, including the new towns,
palaces, mosques, tombs, water reservoirs, caravan serais, bridges,

ADMINISTRATION OF THE SULTANATE

291

canals, public baths, madrasas, shrines, charity houses, gardens
and what not. He founded the citites of Fatehabad, Hissar
Firoza (mod. Hissar) and Jaunpur. He built ‘the fifth city of
Delhi’, called Firozabad, which was situated to the north of Siri.
Therein he raised three palaces, including the one palace-fort,
now called Kotia Firoze Shah, nine mosques and public buildings
to accommodate the courtiers and the secretarial offices.

The Sayyads and the Lodhis had neither the time nor the
resources to attend to the architectural activities ; nevertheless,
Khizr Khan, the founder of the Sayyad dynasty so called, laid the
foundation of a new township, Khizrabad, and his successor
Mubarak Shah made a half-hearted attempt to raise yet another
building complex, known after him 'as Mubarakabad, which is
now located by the tomb of the founder. The fifteenth century
is marked by the appearance of numerous tombs of artistic
beauty and strength, constructed by the Sayyad and the Lodhi
sultans as well as their nobility which dot the present metropolis
of Delhi and constitute attractive visiting spots for the sightseers.
These include among others the tombs of Sikander Lodhi, Bare
Khan, Chhote Khan; Bara Gumbad, Shish Gumbad Dadi ka Gumbad ,
Poli ka Gumbad, and Moth ki Masjid. As described earlier, the
architectural activity, during the concluding phase of the sultanate
period, shifted to the provincial and regional states of India,
including those of Bengal, Jaunpur, Malwa, Gujarat and the
Bahmani kingdom of the south whose rulers extended liberal
partronage to art and architecture. The Hindu states, including
those of Mewar, Marwar and Vijayanagar. preserved and
extended the ancient architectural styles and forms with great
enthusiasm.

The ‘Islamic architecture’ so called is a misnomer. Arabia,
where Islam took its birth, had no architectural traditions. The
only structure of architectural interest, prevalent in that land,
was ‘the caravan, roofless serai ” built in a rectangular form with
a gate and guard’s post and small chambers protected by strong
peripheral walls. Gf course, it left a distinct mark on the
infant Islamic culture ; the mosque is a replica of this caravan
serai, with the additional prevision of a prayer niche in the
wall, situated opposite to the main gate. With the spread of Islam
in the various countries of central Asia, north Africa and eastern
Europe, their architects readily adopted the salient features of
the architectural styles of these countries, resulting in the
development of a composite Islamic architecture on which the
Persian influence was predominant. The Turkish sultans of Delhi,
therefore, had no hesitation in adopting the Indian forms and
styles of architecture in spite of all the prejudices that they initially
bore against the vanquished ‘infidels’ and their culture. More-
over, they had to employ the Indian architects, masons and
workers for the construction of their buildings ; they also made

292

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

free use of the rich architectural material obtained by the des-
truction and demolition of the Hindu temples and other public
buildings. As a consequence, the Indian concepts and forms of
architecture were bound to have a deep imprint on the buildings
of the sultans. The monuments of the early sultans present a
haphazard mixing up of the Indian and Islamic styles ; some of
them display more of the ‘Islamic’ or Persian features, the others
seem poor copies of the Hindu models. During the second
phase of the architectural development, viz., during the Tughluq
period, the process of blending of the two art forms became more
natural and mature, and a healthy synthesis between the two
started taking place during the third phase of its development. The
architectural monuments of the sultanate period reveal a vigo-
rous inter-action between the ‘Islamic’ and the ancient Indian
architectural concepts and forms of an extensive scale. These are
an index of a healthy and constructive give-and-take between
the two styles as also the communion that took place between the
Hindus and the Muslims during the early medieval age.

Conclusion

The study of the foregoing pages brings to light three distinct
phases of the political history of early medieval India. The
first phase is covered by the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The
scene opens with the country parcelled out into numerous regional
kingdoms and principalities, governed mostly by parochial and
uncreative rulers and feudal bureaucracy who, with a caste-ridden
and ‘self-stultified’ Hindu society as their base, were a poor
match for their Turkish adversaries. In two bloody bouts with
the crusaders of Islam, their prominent champions of northern
India were beaten hip and thigh: the ‘stupefied’ Hindu masses
realised the gravity of the situation only when the Turkish rulers
dubbed them as ‘infidels’ and classified them as second-rate citizens
of ‘an Islamic state’ while within their own homeland and in
occupation of their ancestral hearths and homes. The twelfth
centuiy was marked by a grim struggle between the Turkish
victors and the middie-level socio-political leadership of the
Hindus of northern India in which the former came out successful
in the long run; it is in this context that the political-cum-military
actions of the ‘slave’ sultans, including Ututmish and Balban, can
be appreciated better. By the end of the twelfth century, the
sultanate of Delhi was well-established and Islam firmly planted
on the Indian soil. Though only a part of India had fallen into
their hands, the clatter of the Turkish arms had been heard
across the Vindhyas.

The second phase of political history is marked by the acces-
sion of Alauddin Khalji to the throne of Delhi. He embarked
upon an ambitious programme of imperial conquests and political
unification of the country. He was amply rewarded in the enter-
prise; even those states, which could not be conquered by him, had
to acknowledge the sultanate of Delhi to be the paramount
power of the country. The imperial experiment proved successful
though only for a shortwhile. It was all set for the consolidation
of the imperial rule under the Tughluqs; but, within a decade of
his accession to the throne, Muhammad bin Tughluq bungled with
the imperial structure and struck a serious blow at the academic as
well as military powers of the sultanate: it opened the floodgates
of disruption. The shortsighted state policy of Firoze Tughluq
sapped the vitality of the sultanate almost completely and his

294

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF 'MEDIEVAL INDIA

death signalled the end of the second phase or the imperial history
of early medieval India.

The third phase is marked by the disintegration of the impe-
rial government of India and redivision of the country into
provincial and regional states and feudal principalities. By the
beginning of the fifteenth century, India, apparently, presented,
the old political pattern of the eleventh century though there was
a marked difference in the nature and character of its polity.
Many of the powerful rulers were Muslims. Islam was firmly
rooted in the soil and the Muslims constituted a part and parcel
of the Indian society as well as polity. An entirely new socio-
political order, so to speak, had come into existence. Most of
the Indian rulers were enlightened and benevolent monarchs who
worked for the welfare and happiness of the subjects and enjoyed
their confidence. Like their counterparts of the eleventh century,
however, they were usually interlocked with their neighbouring
chiefs in -mutual conflicts and frittered away their resources;
regionalism became, once again, the main theme of the Indian
politics. Nevertheless, the Indian polity of the fifteenth century
shows comparative maturity in its form and implementation over
that of the eleventh century. The princes, whether Hindus or
Muslims, were conscious of the fact that India should have a
strong central authority albeit the clash of interests between the
rival parties stood in the way of achieving that ideal. The poli-
cal vacuum, thus caused at the central level, was filled in by Babar
in the twenties of the sixteenth century.

V. • f>

. V <'

Appendix 1

V

Thirty-two Sultans of Lahore and Delhi
(1206 — 1526)

Serial Name of Accession Relationship Mode

Number the (Christian with of death

Sultan era) Predecessor

THE ‘SLAVE’ RULERS

1 .

Qutubuddin Aibek

1206

—

by accident

2.

Aram Shah

1210

son

defeated &
killed

3.

Shamsuddin Iltutmish
(son-in-law of Aibek)

1211

brother in law

natural

4.

Ruknuddin Firoze

April

1236

son

died in
confinement

5.

Razia

November sister

1236

defeated &
killed

6.

Behram Shah

1240

brother

murdered

7.

Allauddin Masudshah
(son of Ruknuddin &
grandson of Iltutmish)

1242

nephew

died in
confinement

8.

Nasiruddin Mahmud
(grandson of Iltutmish;
son of his eldest son
Nasiruddin who
predeceased his father)

1246

cousin

natural

9.

Ghiasuddin Balban

1266

son-in-law

natural

10.

Kaikubad

(son of Bughra Khan,

1287

grandson

paralytic;

governor of Bengal)

kicked to death

296

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Serial Name of Accession Relationship Mode

Number the (Christian with of death

Sultan era) Predecessor

THE KHALJIS

11.

Jalaluddin Khalji

1290

—

murdered

12.

Ibrahim Ruknuddin

1296

son defeated & mur-
dered in
confinement

13.

Alauddin Khalji
(nephew & son-in-
law of Jalaluddin)
♦Perhaps poisoned to
death by Kafur

1296

cousin &
brother-in-
law

natural*

14.-

Shihabuddin Umar

1316

son

murdered in
confinement

15.

Mubarak Shah
(son of Alauddin
Khalji)

1316

brother

murdered

16.

Khusrau Shah 1320 usurper

THE TUGHLUQS

killed in
battle

17.

Ghiasuddin Tugluq

1320

—

by accident

18.

Muhammad bin
Tughluq

1325

son

natural

19.

Firoze Tughluq

1351

cousin

natural

20.

Tughluq Shah II
(s/o Fateh Khan, who
predeceased his father
Firoze Tughluq)

1388

grandson

murdered

21.

Abu Bakr Shah

February

1389

cousin

died in
confinement
(1391)

22.

Muhammad

1390*

uncle

natural

(Third son of Firoze
Tughluq)

♦rival of Abu Bakr
enthroned at Samana
in April 1389.

appendices

23. Sikandar Shah January

1394

24. Nasiruddin Mahmud March
(s/o Muhammad, serial 1394
no. 22; aged ten)

25. Nusrat Shah 1394*

(s/o Fateh Khan, the

eldest son of Firoze
Tughluq

*simultaneously with
Nasiruddin Mahmud

297

son

natural

brother

natural

cousin

died a

fugitive

THE SAYYADS

26.

Khizr Khan

1414

—

natural

27.

Mubaruk Shah

1421

son

murdered

28.

Muhammad Shah

1434

nephew

natural

29.

Alam Shah

1445

THE LODHIS

son

deposed

30.

Bahlol Lodhi

1451

—

natural

31.

Sikander Lodhi

1489

son

natural

32.

Ibrahim Lodhi

1517

son

died in battle

Notes

: (a) Serial nos. 24 & 25 ruled simultaneously as rival claimants to the
-throne of Delhi.

(b) Nasiruddin Mahmud (serial no. 24) was the last Tughluq ruler
who died in 1412.

(c) Daulat Khan Lodhi acted as de fac/o ruler of Delhi (1412-14)
without any royal' title; he was deposed by Khizr Khan; died in
captivity.

Note : Out of the thirty-two sultans, thirteen died a natural death, two by
accidents and four were killed on the battlefields; one was deposed and
died a private citizen while as many as twelve sultans were murdered
or died in confinement.

Appendix 2

The Bahmani Sultans

Serial Name of the Sultan Accession

Number (Christian era)

1. Alauddin Hasan Bahmani (Capital Gulbarga) 1347

2. Muhammad Shah I 1 358

3. Alauddin Mujahid 1375

4. Daud Shah April 1378

5. Muhammad Shah II May 1378

6. Ghiasuddin Tahmtan April 1397

7. Shamsuddin Daud II June 1397

8. Tajuddin Firoze November 1397

9. Shihabuddin Ahmad I (He transferred the 1422

capital to Bidar)

10. Alauddin Ahmad II 1436

11. Humayun Shah 1458

12. Nizamuddin Ahmad III 1461

13. Shamsuddin Muhammad III 1463

14. Shihabuddin Mahmud II 1482

15. Ahmad Shah IV 1518

16. Alauddin 1520

17. ^aliullah 1523

18. Kalimullah (died a fugitive) 1526

Note : Out of the eighteen Bahmani sultans, three were deposed, five murder-
ed, two blinded and two died of intemperance.

Appendix 3

The Rulers of Vijayanagar

Serial

Number

Name of the Ruler

(a) SANGAMA DYNASTY

Accession •
(Christian era)

1. Harihar I 1336

2. Bukka Rai I 1356

3. Harihar II 1377

4. Virupaksha I 1404

5. Bukka II 1405

6. Devarayal 1406

7. Ramchandra 1422

8- Vijaya I 1422

9. Devaraya II 1422

10. Vijaya II 1446

11. Mallikarjuna 1446

12. Virupaksha II 1465

(b) SALUVA DYNASTY

13. Narasimha 1485

14. Timma 1490

15. Immadi Narasimha 1491

(c) TULUVA DYNASTY

16. Vira Narasimha 1505

1 7. Krishna Devaraya 1 509

18. Achyuta Rai 1530

19. Sadasiva* 1542

* a puppet in the hands of his Prime Minister Ram Raya; was kept in
confinement at Vijayanagar at the occasion of the fateful battle of
Talikota in 1565; after the fall of Vijayanagar, he set up a small princi-
pal ty at Pcnugonda where he was deposed by Tirumala in 1570.

Glossary

aab'

Water, a river

do' ab

land between two rivers

The Doab

territories situated between the Jumna and
the Ganges

ahl

one who possesses, competent

ahl i kalam

men of the pen, scholars and writers; civil
bureaucracy of the sultanate

ahl i ilm
ahl i teg, ahl i

men of knowledge, scholars, ulama

shamshir

men of the sword, nobility of the sultanate

a'in

law, statute

akhur

horse

alai

of Alauddin Khalji

Allah

God

alp

first or the seniormost

amil

a revenue official

Amin ul Millat,

Protector of the Muslims, The Righthand

Yamin ud Daulah

Man of the Empire’ (of the Caliph)

amir

commander, title borne by independent
Muslim rulers of Central 'Asia; noble-
man; an imperial officer of the third
grade, after khan and malik, under the
sultans

amir i akhur

the master of horse (royal stables)

amir i hajib,

officer in charge of the royal court, lord

barbek

chamberlain

amir i koh

officer in charge of agriculture

amir i shikar

officer in charge of the royal hunt

amir i tuzik

the master of ceremonies

GLOSSARY

301

amiran

amir ul momnin
ariz

ariz i mamalik
auliya

pi. of amir

‘commander of the faithful’, the Caliph
officer in charge of army
chief of the army staff
saint

bakshi
hanjara
baqqa '
barid

barid i mamalik
beg , bek
begum
bhakti

bhishti

bizwa

burj

paymaster, treasurer
grain carrier, corn merchant
a grocer

intelligence official, spy

head of the royal intelligence service

an officer of high grade '

a Muslim lady of rank

worship of the Divine, the doctrine of

personal devotion to God

water carrier

a unit of land measurement
a tower

caravan, karwan

chadar, chaddar

chair, chhatr

chaudhri

chaukidar

chungi

crore

group of merchants travelling together
who usually carried the merchandise on
horsebacks, camels, ponies or carts
a sheet of cloth, cloth worn over head and
shoulders

a parasol, royal canopy
a Hindu landlord/chief of the village
night or village watchman
c ax, octroi

ten millions, a hundred lacs

dabir

dabir i mamalik

dagh
dallal
dargah
darogha
dar ul adl

secretary, clerk

chief secretary, officer in charge of the
royal secretariat

mark, branding of the army horses
broker

a Muslim shrine, mausoleum of a saint
a subordinate police chief
lit. place of justice ; open market place of
the metropolis of Delhi during the reign
of Alauddin Khalji

302

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

dar ul harab*.

land of the infidels

dar ul kufr

dar ul Islam

land of the Muslims; a Muslim state

dar ul khilafa,

lit. house of the Caliph; imperial capital

dar ul mulk

darbar, durbar

royal court

darvesh

a mystic saint

din

religion

dinar

silver coin (Roman)

dirham

copper coin (Roman)

divan

collection of poetic compositions

diwan

office, central secretariat, royal court, chiei
revenue officer of a province, finance
minister

diwan i arz

ministry of defence

diwan i insha

office of the chief secretary, royal secreta-
riat

diwan i riyasat

minister in charge of trade and commerce

diwan i wizarat

office of the wazir or prime minister

duniya

the world

faqir

a poor man, a Muslim mendicant

farman, firman

royal order, proclamation

fath

victory, conquest

fathnama

royal proclamation, letter or message of
victory

fatwa

a legal decision according to Islamic Law

fauj

army, troops

faujdar

commander of an army unit, officer in
charge of a fort

fiqh

jurisprudence

gaz

yard, a unit of measurement equal to
three feet-

ghazi

devoted, a Muslim who has taken a vow
to fight the infidels

ghulam

slave

ghulam dar ghulam

slave of the slaves

habshi

Abyssinian, negro

hajib

chamberlain

hakim

physician, philosopher

* Read dar ul harab for dar ul haram as wrongly printed on page 1, line 8.

GLOSSARY

303

haq

truth, the Absolute

haram, harem

secluded; female apartments of a house-
hold; women of a Muslim family

hauz

a pond, water tank

hazar

one thousand

Hindustan

India, used for northern India parti-
cularly

hukm

command, royal order, control

hukm i hasil

assessment of land revenue according to
actual produce of the soil

ilm

knowledge, learning

imam

commander, leader ; a title for the
Caliph; a person leading congregational
Muslim prayers

in'am

gift, reward

insaf

justice

iqta

a piece of land, a political-cum-adminis
trative division under the sultans

iqtadar, muqta

person in charge of an iqta, governor

Ismaili

a sect of the shia Muslims

jagir

a tract of land assigned by the state,
assignment of land or land revenue held
by an official in lieu of state service

jama' at

a party

jannat

■ paradise

jauhar

jewel, precious stone; a virtue; a Rajput
rite in which the ladies burnt themselves
or were killed by their menfolk who
sallied forth in saffron garments and laid
down their lives in final charge against
the enemy

jaziya

a religious tax imposed on non-Muslims;
any tax other than khiraj or land revenue

jihad

holy war against infidels by Muslims

jital, jittal

copper coins, fractional currency of the
sultans

kafir

unbeliever, infidel, a non-Muslim

kahar

palanquin-bearer, porter

304

advanced study in the history

OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

karkhana

factory, assembly of artisans and crafts-

.

men who mechanically produced commo-

dities needed by the royal household and
armies

karkun

worker, petty official

khalifa

Caliph; ‘Commander of the Faithful’

khalisa

crown lands

khalg

the masses

khan

Mongol or Turkish ruler of Central Asia ;
officer of the first rank under the sultans

khanqah

a house of mystics; residential quarters
of the mystics

khassadar

a local levy

khil' at

a robe of honour

khilafat

Caliphate

khiraj

land revenue, also tribute paid by a
subordinate chief

khuda

God

khut

a village headman

khutba

sermon

khwaja

lord, merchant, a person of status and
standing

khwaja sera

eunuch

kos

a measure of distance or length, larger
than a mile

kotla

a residential fortress, cantonment, a
permanent military station

kotwal

officer in charge of a city or fort, a police
chief

lakh

a hundred thousand, a lac

lakh baksh

giver of lacs in charity, generous

lashkar

army, army camp

lashkari

a soldier

madad i ma'ash

grant of land or pension to scholars and

saints by the sultans

rnadrassah, madrassa

an educational institution, a school espe-
cially one for higher education

mahaut

an elephant driver or keeper

majlis

meeting place or assembly

GLOSSARY

305

maktab

an elementary school

malik

owner, proprietor; second highest grade
of officers in the administrative hierarchy
of the sultans

malik naib

regent of the sultanate, deputy sultan

malika i jahan

lit. queen of the world, title of the chief
queen of the sultans

manqul

Islamic theology

mamalikat

state, kingdom

mameluk

slave officer

mann

maund

maqbara

tomb

masjid

mosque, a Muslim house of prayer

masnaxi

-a poetic composition, a narrative poem in
Persian

maulana

a Muslim scholar, man of learning

tnlechcha

unclean foreigner, an infidel from the
point of view of Hindus

millat

a religious community, Muslim brother-
hood

minor

a pillar

mir

a leader, title of the independent chief-
tains of Sind

muhtasib

public censor of morals

mulla, mullah

a Muslim religious leader or divine

mulk

country, dominion

mandi

grain market

munhis

an officer who enforced orders concerning
things forbidden

munsif

small causes judge

muqaddam

lit. first or seniormost man, village head-
man

mushrif

officer in charge of treasury and accounts

nabi

prophet

naib

deputy, a representative

naubat

drum, beating of the drum

nasr amir ul momnin

‘deputy of the leader of the faithful’

nauroz

Muslim new year’s day

padshah , padishah

emperor

306

advanced study in the HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

paibos

y kissing of the feet
footman

paik , piadeh

palki

palanquin or a litter

pargana

a subdivision of the district for adminis-
trative and revenue purposes

patwari

a village official who kept land records

pir

spiritual guide

purdah

curtain, a Muslim practice of keeping
women in seclusion

qahat

famine

qalandar

a Muslim mendicant or wandering faqir

qasba

a town

qasr

a palace

qazi

a Muslim judge

qazi ul qazzai

qazi of the qazis) the chief justice of the
sultanate

qila

a fort

qutb, qutub

pole star, the axis

rai, raja , ram

a Hindu chief

ra'iyyat

the subjects

rani

a Hindu queen or princess

risala

a cavalry unit

risaldar

a cavalry commander

sadah

lit. a hundred, officers who administered
territorial units with about a hundred vil-
lages or had a hundred soldiers under
their command

sadi

a century

sadr

justice of peace and head of the ecclesias
tical establishment

sadr i Jahan, sadr
sadur

us minister in charge of ecclesiastical affairs

sahib

chief

sanad

order of appointment

sani

second

sar i jandar

chief of the royal body guards

sar i lashkar

the chief huntsman

sarai,se rai

inn, rest house

GLOSSARY

307

saudagar
scnvar
senapati
saiyyid, sayyad
shaikh (Arabic)

shamsi

shashgani

shahzada

shiq

shiqdar

shahna

shahna i mandi

sifat

sikka

sipahsalar

sultanate

tajir

takhtgah

tanka

thakur

tola

tuman

Tuti e Hind

ulama, ulema
umara

vakil

varna, varuna
vezir, wazir

walayat

wait

wali’ahad

merchant prince
horseman

a Hindu commander

a descendant of the Prophet

chief, a spiritual leader, Muslim mystic,

a man of distinction

of Shamsuddin Iltutmish .

a fractional currency equivalent to six

jitals

a prince

an administrative unit, roughly of district
level

officer in charge of a shiq
a police chief, officer in charge of a town
or market

officer in charge of the grain market
under Alauddin Khalji
appreciation, description, characteristic
coin

commander

kingdom, kingship, empire of the sultans
of Delhi

a merchant
capital

silver coin of the sultanate

a Hindu chief

a measure of weight

a regiment of ten thousand soldiers

‘The Parrot of India’, a title borne by Amir

Khusrau

pi. of alim, a Muslim scholar, theologian
pi. of amir

agent, deputy, minister
colour, caste

minister, prime minister of the sultans

foreign country, alien land

governor

heir apparent

308

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY MEDIEVAL INDIA

waqf

endowment

waqia

an occurrence, an event

wazifa

stipend

zabitci

law, statute (pi. zawabit)

zakat

a religious tax payable by the Muslims in
an ‘Islamic state’

zamindar

one who holds land ’:nder a zamindari
system, a collector of land revenue

zalim

a tyrant

zar

cash, gold and silver

zar kharid

purchased, a slave

zill

shadow

Zill i Ilahi

‘shadow of God on earth’; a title borne
by the absolute nlonarchs

Index

Abbasids, the, 39

Abdulla (of Koil), 23

Abidin, Zainul, 25

Abohar (Punjab), 14

Abu Bakr, the Caliph, 144

Abu Ma’ashar, 39

Abul FazI, 15, 22

Adhai din ka jhonpra, 289

Aeitigin, Ikhtiyaruddin, 103-4

Afghanistan, 31, 50, 127, 132, 217, 242

Afif, Shams i Siraj, 14-15, 221-22, 225-

.30,233,235-36

Afrasiyab, 118

Africa, 19. 291

Agnikula Rajputs, 34, 36, 41-42
Agra, 19,251

Ahmad, Abul Abbas Fasih, 62
Ahmad, Nizamuddin, 17
Ahmadnagar, 24, 273
Ahomes, the, 71

Aiba, Bahram (Kishlu Khan), 197
Aibek, Qutubuddin, 7, 9, 79-82, 85,
87-91, 115, 120, 289, 295
Ain i Akbari 15, 22
A’izzuddin, 17 fn

Ajmer, 7, 26, 35, 48, 59, 65-69, 79, 81
289

Akbar, 15, 23-24, 26.31,167

Akbarnama, 22

Al-Hajjaj, 37-38

Alai Darwaza, 289

Alauddin Husain Jahansoz, 75

Alaul Mulk, 12, 134, 142, 145

Alberuni, 3-5, 31-33, 40, 44, 49, 59, 62

Ali, the Caliph, 144

Ali, Shir, 18

Almas Beg (Ulugh Khan), 139

Alor, 38
Alptagin, 32, 47

Amir Khusrau, 9-12, 19, 39, 124-25
148, 150

Amir Timur, 15, 18, 21, 241-47, 258

Anandpal, 51-54, 56

Anang Paul, 65

Andaman islands, 21

Andhras, the, 37

Anegundi, 197, 270

Anhilwara, 37, 60, 81

Arabian peninsula, 19

Aram Shah, 7, 9, 91-92, 295

Archaeological sources, 27-28

Aristotle, 145

Arjuna, the Kachchapaghata ruler of
Gwalior, 36
Askari, Mirza, 23
Asirgarh, 136
Assam, 34, 70-71
Attock, 32

Auliya, Shaikh Nizamuddin, 10, 12, 19
290

Babar, 19, 23, 239, 264
Badaun, 91, 96, 111, 169
Badauni, 1 1, 22
Baghadad, 17, 38-39, 63
Bahmani kingdom, 17, 24, 259, 266-70
Bahmanshah, Alauddin Hasan, 266-67,
298

Baihaqi, Abul Fazl, 6, 62
Balban, Ghiasuddin, 8-10, 12-13, 17,
88, 99, 109-25, 128-30, 187, 293, 295
Balkh, 8 fn
Ballala, Vir III, 218
Ballala, Vir IV, 218

310

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Banaras, 36, 39
Baniyan, 96
Baqbak, Malik, 121
Bara Gumbad, 291
Baran, 91, 213

Barani, Ziauddin, 1 fn, 11-14, 17, 80,
116-18, 121, 123, 126-34, 137-38, 140,
142-45, 147, 152, 154, 156, 158, 161-
62, 164-65, 168, 170-77, 180, 190,
194, 196, 198-99, 200-202, 206-8, 210,
212, 221

Barbosa, Duarte, 21, 22
Bardai, Chand, 26
Bare Khan (tomb), 291
Bappa Rawal, 36
Basht, 18
Basra, 113

Battuta, see Ibn Battuta
Bayana, 81

Bengal, 8, 10, 24, 33, 70, 82-83, 106,
122, 126, 193, 260-61, 291, 295
Berar, 24

Bhaga\ad Gita, 4 fn
Bhaskarvarman, 34
Bhatinda, 65, 77-78, 104, 109
Bhilsa, 70, 96, 133, 138
Bhimdeo, I, 69
Bhoj, raja, 34, 70
Bidar, 24, 266, 273

Bihar, 33, 70, 82-83, 106, 126, 160,
192

Bijai Mandql, 290
Bijapur, 24, 272-73
Billah, Al-Qadir, 50
Bisaldeva 65
Bukhara, 47, 63, 209
Bukka Rai, 218, 270-71,

Bundelkhand, 70
Burhan i Ma'asir, 24 »

Burhanpur, 23
Brahmanabad, 38
Brahmapala, 34

Cairo, 21
Cambay, 219
Central Asia, 4, 7-9, 18
Ceylon, 20-21, 37, 271
Chach, 3, 32
Chachnama . 3

Chalukyas, the, 29, 34-37, 146

Chand, Shaikh, 25
Chandelas, the, 35-36, 90
Chanderi, 150
Chandigarh, 56 fn
Changez Khan, see Khan, Changez
Chap, Malik Ahmad, 130, 135, 138-39,
141

Chauhans, the. 34-35, 66-68
Chedi, 37
Cheras, the, 37
Chhajju, Malik, 129-30
Chhote Khan (tomb), 291
Chihalgani or Chehalgan — ’the Forty',
96, 99-122

Chittor, 149-52, 163, 263
Cholas, the, 37
Chunda, Rana, 264
Conti, Nicolo, 21-22, 271

Dadi ku Gumbad, 291
Dahala or Chedi, 36
Dahir’ 30, 38
Damascus, 21, 38
Dastur ul Wuzara, 18
Daud, Abdul Fateh, 52, 55
Debal, 38, 65, 77, 94
Delhi, 7-8, 12, 14-17, 19-20, 25-27,
33, 35, 64-67, 77, 79, 89, 90, 92-93,
96, 102-4, 116-18, 122, 124, 127,
129, 132, 135, 139-40, 147, 151,

' 154, 160, 166, 171, 177-78, 181, 186,
189,192, 194-95,226, 230,238-40,
246, 259, 274-80, 289, 291, 296
Depalpur, 123-24, 186, 247
Derveza, Akhund, 31 •

Dev, Hamir, 149

Dev. Ramcbandra, 133-34, 152-60, 183-
84

Deva, Karan, 1 53 159
Deva, Pratap Rudra II, 152-55, 191,
218, 225,

Deva, Shankar (Singhanadeva), 159,
182-83

Devagiri (Deogiri or Daulatabad), 133-
34, 152-60, 183-84, 197-203,217,
266

Devapala, 33
Devi, Kamla, 153, 159
Devi, Parmal, 38 fn
Devi, Suraj, 38 fn

INDEX

311

Dewal Rani, 153, 159
Dewal Rani Khizr Khani, 10
Dhangaraja, 36
Dhar (Ujjain), 34, 70, 150
Dida, Rani, 33
Dughlat, Mirza Hyder, 26
Durjaya (mod. Gauhati), 34
Durlabhraja, 35
Dwarsamudra, 152, 157-58

Early Chalukyas, 35-37
Egypt, 208-9
Ellora, 153
Epigraphia Indica, 27
Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 27

Fakhruddin, 115, 129
Farabi, 62

Fatawa i Jahandari, 13-14, 180
Fateh abad, 291
Fergusson, 27, 28 fn
Firdausi, 62

Firishta, 17, 33, 48, 53-55, 58, 78, 120,
154, 156, 164-65, 168, 170, 177-78,
180, 187, 190, 195-96, 199, 200, 211,
233, 239-40, 242
Firoz Koh, 9
Firozabad, 14

Firoze, Ruknuddin, 100, 295
Forty, the, see Chihalgani
Futuhat i Firoze Shahi, 14, 223, 232
Futuhus Solatia, 17-18, 108, 114

Gahadavallas of Kanauj, 66, 69, 81
Gandaraja, 36, 38, 81
Gardizi, 51,53, 55, 58-59
Gaud or Gaur, see Lakhnauti
Gawan, Mahmud 25, 267-70
Ghazi, Malik, see Tughluq, Ghiasud-
din

Ghazi, Sikander Khan, 34, 71
Ghazni or Ghazna, 4-8, 32, 47-65, 75,
81, 83, 89, 97, 165, 209
Ghiasuddin, Husanuddin, 9
Ghiasuddin of Ghur, 65, 83
Ghor, see Ghur

Ghorjistan, 18
Ghur dynasty, 6, 74-86
Ghuzz Turks, 65, 75-76
Goa, 266, 272
Golconda, 25, 273
Govind Rai, 79
Govindraja II alias Gandu, 35
Guhilot or Guhila Rajputs, 36, 69-70
Gujarat, 19 23-24, 29, 60, 69, 81, 146,
153, 192, 218-19, 262-63, 291
Gurjara-Pratiharas, the, 30, 34-36, 57 '
Gurshasp, Bahauddin, 197-98 -

Gwalior, 8, 30, 36, 57, 81, 91, 248
Habibus Siyar, 18, 19
Hansi, 114

Haravi, Khwaja Niamatullah, 23

Harihar 1, 218, 270-71

Harihar II, 271

Haryana, 29

Hasan Nizami, 7-8, 97

Hauz i Ilahi, 290

Hazbaruddin (Zafar Khan), 140

Hazru, 54

Herat, 18, 20

Hindushahis, the, 31-32, 35, 48-57
Humayun, 19

Husain, Alauddin, see Alauddin Husain

Ibn Battuta, 19-21, 47,52, 103, 154,
156, 164-65, 187, 188, 208
Ijaz i Khusravi, 11

Htutmish, Shamsuddin, 7-9, 17, 82, 91-
97, 101, 107, 114-15, 121, 289, 293,
295

Ilyas, Haji, 235
Immamuddin, 23
Iqbal, Mallu, 241,243,247
Iraq, 37,209

lsami, Khwaja Abdullah Malik.17,18
Ishaq, Jalaluddin, 20

Jahangir, emperor, 23
Jaichand.69, 80-81
Jaijakbhukti,35
Jaipal, 3 1-32,36,48-50
Jaisimha,36

312

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Jalor, 95,151
larnait Khana, 290
Jarbazkani, Abul Sharaf,6 fn
Jaunpur, 261-62, 291
Java, 21
Jhansi,70
Jodhpur, 133
Jubbulpore, 36

Junaid.Khwaja Hisamuddin, 228
Junaidi, Ziauddin,104
Juzjan, 8 fn
Jyots-nakara, 25

Kabul, 31-32, 165
Kafur, Malik, 152-60, 165, 182-84,
198, 296

Kai, Khusrau, 124-25
Kaithal, 104

Kaki, JChwaja Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar,
91, 290
Kakka II, 73

Kalachuris, the, 3 fn, 36,37
Kalhana Pandit, 25, 31 fn
‘ Kalinga, 37, 271

Kalinjar, 30, 36, 48, 58, 70, 81-82, 90
Kalpi, 252

Kalyani, 35, Later Chalukya of, 35,
37

Kamil ut Tawarikh, 58
Kamrun, 70

Kanauj, 29-30, 35, 48, 57-58, 61,65,
68-69, 80-81, 241
Kanchi, 36

Kara, 12, 29-30, 133, 138-40, 152, 217
Karkota dynasty, 33
Kashi, 69

Kashmi. QaziJalal, 131

Kashmir, 25-26, 30, 33, 56, 264-65

Katehar, 96, 118

Kathiawar, 69

Kaushik, 69

Kesh, 242

Kaushai, 61

Khan, Ali Muhammad, 24
Khan, Arkali, 12, 132, 139-40
Khan, Batu, 9

Khan, Bughra, 10, 123, 192-93,295

Khan, Chaghatai, 9
Khan, Daulat, 241-42, 249 fn
Khan, Deva, 163-65
Khan, Haibat, 121
Khan, Halaku, 9, 112, 131
Khan, Juna, Khan i Khana, 238
Khan, Khizr, 10, 150,152, 154, 159,
182-84

Khan, Kishlu, 109, 112-13
Khan, Khusrau, 11
Khan, Kublai, 21 , 204
Khan, Mangu, 9
Khan, Muhammad, 234
Khan, Nusrat, 135
Khan, Qadar, 139
Khan, Qutulugh, 111
Khan, Shadi, 189, 192
Khan, Tatar, 254
Khan, Tughril, 122-23
Khandesh, 248, 265
Khatu, Gai, 204
Khazain ul Futuh, 10, 148, 150
Khizrabad, 291
Khokhar, Jasrath, 249
Khondamir, 18-19
Khulasat ul Akhbor, 18-19
Khusrau, Amir, See Amir Khusrau
Khusrau, Malik, 9, 65, 77
Khusrau, Shah, 64-65, 185-86,296
Khwarizm, 3 fn, 4, 75 fn, 76 fn, 83
Khwarizm Shah, 4
Kilab ur Rehla, 20
Koil, 80-81,250
Kotla Firoze Shah, 218
Krishna Nayak, 218
Kshemgupta, 33

Kufi, Muhammad Ali bin Abu Bakr.
3

Kulashekhar, 158
Kumbh, Rana, 263
Kutch, 29, 35, 60

Lahore, 32, 61, 64-65, 89-91, 104, 109,
123-24, 161, 189
Lais, Yaqub ibn, 32
Lakhnauti, 8-9, 1 1, 33, 83, 95, 193
Lakshmansena, 70, 82-83

INDEX

313

Lalitaditya, 30

Lalliya, 31-32

Lamghan, 48

Later Chalukyas, 37

Lawik, Abu Bakr. 32, 47 fn

Lodhi, Behl of, 23, 249-250, 297

Daulat Khan, 255, 297

Ibrahim, 252-54, 294

Khan, Jahan, 23

Sikander, 251-52, 291, 297

Lohani, Dariya Khan, 253

Lohara dynasty, 33

Lohkot, 57

Lohraja, 25

Madura, 20, 158
Mahal Hazar Sotum, 290
Maharashtra, 29, 178, 218,219
Makh, Ismail, 266
Makhzani i Afghani, 23
Mahipala I, 33

Mahmud, Nasiruddin, 8-9, 17, 100,
106-14, 195-97

Mahmud of Ghazni, 6, 8, 30-33, 35-37,
40,44,46,49-64, 66,70,72, 83-84,
126

Mahru, 138-39

Malabar (Malabar), 22, 39, 45, 215-16
Malda, 83
Maidive islands, 20
Malwa, 19, 30, 35, 69, 81, 96, 150, 218
248 , 261,291
Mandsor, 95
Mandu, 150
Manikpur, 129, 135
Mankbarni, Jalaluddin, 94
Mansurah, 39-40, 93
Maqbul, Khan i Jahan, 224-26 , 233,
257

Marco Polo, 21
Marwar, 264, 291
Masudshah, Alauddin 106, 295
Masum, Mir Muhammad of Bukhara,
24

Mathura, 57, 61

Matlaus Sa'dain wa Majmaul Bahrain,
20-21

Mecca, 20, 55

Meerath (Meerut), 14 fn, 80
Mekran, 32, 38
Merv, 8 fn
Miflahul Futuh, 10

Minhaj us Siral, 8-9, 13, 17, 78, 82-
83, 87-88, 92, 96, 99, 100, 107-8,
110-13

Mir Khwand, 18
Mir at i Ahmadi, 24
Mirat i Sikandri, 24
Mongols, 93-94, 105, 110, 112, 114-15,
121-24, 132, -145-46, 160-61, 163,
165, 192, 196-97
Morocco, *19-20
Moth ki Mas/id, 291
Mubarakabad, 291

Muhammad, Alauddin Khwarizm Shah
4, 9, 94

Muhammad, Sayyad, 16
Muhammad, Shihabuddin of Ghur,
alias Muhammad Ghori, 3, 6-8, 65,
70, 72, 74-87, 89, 126
Muhammad, Sikander bin, 24
Muhammad, the Prophet, 8
Muhazzabuddin, 105
Mulk, Muwaidul, 12
Mulraja, 35

Multan, 3, 32, 37-40, 45, 52-53, 55,
59, 61, 65, 104, 106, 123, 140, 197,
217, 247
Murshidabad, 83
Mysore, 271

Nadia, 82-83
Nagabhata, 30

Nagarkot, 53-55, 211,220,236
Nagaur, 95
Nalanda, 82

Narayan (mod. Narayanpur), 55

Narsimha, 36

Narsimha, Vir, 272

Nawasa Shah, 52-53

Nepal, 82

Nishapur, 7

Nonaraj, Bhatta, 25

Nuh Sipihr, 10,11

Orissa (Jajnagar), 152, 265

314

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Oudh, 10, 12, 117,-18, 122, 133

Paes, Domingos, 21-22
Palas, the, 30, 33, 70-72
Pal lavas, the, 37
Panchtantra Literature, 8
Pandyas, the, 37
Parmardeo, 35
Parmars, the, 34-35, 37, 70
Patanjali,* 4 fn
Persia, 131, 204, 209, 242
Poggio, Braccioline, 22
Polika Bumbad, 291
Pope Eugene IV, 22
Prataprudra, Gajapati, 272
Pratiharas, the, 34-35
Prithviraj II Chauhan, 65, 67'
Prithviraj III Chauhan, 7, 26, 35 fn,
68-70, 77-78. 89, 126
Prithviraja Raso, 26
Prithviraja, Vijaya, 26
Pulakesin II, 29, 36-37
Punjab, the, 31, 63,64-65,76-77, 83,
161

Puranas, the, 4 fn

Qabacha, Nasiruddin, 3, 8-9, 93
Qabul, Malik, 179
Qarachil, 210-11
Qarlugh, Saifuddin Hasan, 101
Qasim, Muhammad bin, 3, 38
Qila i Rai Pithaura, 289
Qiranus Sa'adain, 10
Qutlugh Khwaja, 145, 162
Qutub Minar, 91, 97, 289
Quwal ul Islam Masjid , 289

Rai Sahasi II, 3
Raichur Doab. 272
Raihon, Immaduddin, 1 1 1
Rairaja I, 37
RaHarnngini, 25-26, 31 fn
Rajendra Chola I, 37
Rajput period, 30; Rajput
Culture, 41-42
Rajputana, 26, 263
Rajyapala, 30
Ram Raya. 272-73

Ranibai, 38

Ranthambhor, 103, 133, 149-152
Rashtrakutas, the, 30, 34,' 36-37
Ratan Singh, Rana, 149-50, 263
Rauza I us Safa, 18
Rawar, 38

Raya, Krishnadeva, 272
Rayamalla, 264
Razia, Begum, 100-105 295
Razzak, Abdur, 20-21, 271
Rehla, the, 103, 120-21, 154-56, 164,
187-88
Rewari 114
Riyazul Insha, 25
Riyazus Salatin, 24
Rome, 21

Ruknuddin, Ibrahim, 296

Sabuktagin, 5, 9, 31-32, 36, 4749, 62

Sadasiva, 272

Saffarid dynasty, 32

Saifuddin Suri, 9

Salim, Ghulam Husain, 24

Saluva dynasty, 271-72

Sambhal, 110

Sambhar (later Ajmer), 35, see also
Ajmer

Samanids, the, 5, 47, 50
Samanta Chauhan, 35
Samarqand, 7 fn, 63, 201, 242, 245
Sanga, Rana, 264
Sangama dynasty, 270-71
Sanyogita, 69
Sapadalaksha, 26
Salhpalah Baud, 290
Sayyad, Alam Shah, 24849, 297
Sayyad, Khizar Khan, 24748, 297
Sayyad. Mubarak Shah, 241, 297
Sayyad, Muhammad Shah, 248, 291,
297

Seljuks, the, 74 fn
Shadi, Khwaja Fakhr, 227
Shah, Abhu Bakr, 296

, Alauddin Mujahid, 298

. Ali Adil II. 24

, Daud, 23, 298

. Jahan, 15, 16 fn

1 Muhammad I, 266, 298

INDEX

315

, Nusrat, 297

, Rukh, 20,21

Sikander, 297

Shansabinis, the, 6,9, 74-75
Shirazi, Rafiuddin, 24
Shish Cumbad, 291
Siddi Maula, 131-32
Silaiji, 3

Sind, 3, 19, 24, 30, 32, 37-40, 45, 60,
65,76,93,141, 161,236
Singh, Namvar, 26 fn
Sirhind, 250

Sirhindi, Yahya bin Ahmad, 16-17
Siri, 290

Somanatha, 35, 58-60
Sonargaon, 220
Sringeri, 270
Srivara, 25
Suka, 26

Sultan, Garhi, 289

Sumras} the, 65

Sunam, 123, 219

Sunqar, Sher Khan, 109, 113. 123

Sur, Adil Shah, 23

,Sber Shah, 15

Sylhet, 71

Tabaqai i Nasiri, 8-9, 17, 82-83, 87-88,
92,96-101, 107-8, 110-13, 117
Tabataba, Sayyad Ali, 24
Tailapa, 37
Tajiks, the, 74
Tajul, Ma'asir, 7, 97
Talib, Abu, 16 fn
Talikota, 273
Tanjore, 37
Tarain, 7, 78
Tank! i i Akbari, 22

, Baihaqi, 6

, Daudi , 23

, Firishta, 22

FirozeShahi (AfiQ, 15, 22!

Tariklt i Firoze Shahi (Barani), 1 fn,
12-14, 17, 80, 116-18, 121, 123, 126-
32.135, 137-38, 140-45, 147, 152,
154,156,158, 161-62, 164-65, 168,
170-71, 173-77, 190

Tarikh i Gujarat', 24

, Khan Jahani, 23

, Mubarak Shahi, 16-17

, Rashidi, 26

, Sind, 24

Tarikh ul Yamini, 5
Tazkirat ul Muluk, 24
Telingana, 154, 156,191-92,219
Thanesar, 33, 55-56
Thatta, 12, 219
Tibet, 82

Timur, Amir, see Amir Timur
Tirumala, 273
Token currency, 203-9
Topra, 14 fn, 15
Toynbee, Arnold J, 42, 84-86
Transoxiana, 160, 163, 208
Travelogues, the 19-20
Trichinopoly, 27!

Tripura or Tripuri, 36
Trilochanpala, 56, 57
Tughluq, Firoze Shah, 12-13, 15-16,
221-239, 293, 296

, Ghaisuddin 1, 10-11, 15,164,

186-94, 290

, Ghiasuddin II, 239-40

, Muhammad bin, 12:13, 15, 17,

19-20, 194-220,225, 257,290, 291,
293

Tughluqabad, 194
T ughluqanama, 10-1 1
Tughril, Bahauddin,9
Tuluva dynasty, 272-73
Tumar Rajputs, 64-67
Turkistan, 4 fn
Tusi, Shaikh Abu Bakr, 132
Tuzak i Baburi, 22
Tuzak i Timur i, 15,242-45

Uchh, 3, 8, 94, 106, 123
Udyaraja, 33
Ujjain. 96, 150
Umar, the Caliph, 144
Umar, Shihabuddin, 296
Umayyids, the, 39
Unsari, 62
Urdu language, 10

316

ADVANCED STUDY IN THE HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL INDIA

Usman, the Caliph, 144
Utba, 5

Utbi, 5-6, 51-52, 58, 62

Vaidyanath, 71
Vakapati XI, 35
Vali, Mir Abu Turab, 24
Vallabhadeva, 71
Varanasi, 69
Vardhana, Durlugh, 33

, Harsha, 29-30, 32-33, 36

— , Prabhakar, 29

Vatapi, 35; Early Chalukyas of, 35, 36
Venice, 21

Vir Ballala HI, 152
Virupaksha II. 271

Waihand or Udabhandapur, 32, 51, 54,
Walid I, the Umayyid Caliph, 38
Warrangal, 152, 156-5,7, 192, 195, 198 _
218,266, 270

' Yadavas, the, 34, 133-34
Yadgar, Ahmad, 23
Yaidoz, Tajuddin, 9, 90, 93
Yasovarman, 30, 36
Yazdi, Maulana, 16
Yule, H, 21 fn

Zabul or Zabulistan, 31-32
Zafarnama (of Maulana Yazdi), 16
Zainul Akhbar, 51
Zaman, Sultan Baduiz, 18

Errata

Page 1, para 1, line 8 : Read dar ul harab for dar id haram
Page 2, line 21: delete the first word “are’

Page 3, fn 7 : Read 1866-77 for 1866-67
Page 1 1, fn 37 : Read vols. for vol.

Page 13. fn 41, lines 1 & 6 : Read Minhaj for Minha

Page 13, fn 42, line 1 : Read chronicle for chronical

Page 19. line 22 : Read Humayuni for Huyamuni

Page 65, line 7 : Read Turks for Truks

Page 90. line 20 : Read Gahadavalla for Gadahavalla

Page 107. line 26 : Read junta for juna

Page 281, line 11 : Read amir i harbak for amiar i burbak